




CH. chadenat, 

Librairie Americaine et Coloniale, 
17 Ouai des Grands-Augustins, 

PARISH „ 



THE 

PATRIO T'S 

MONITOR, 

FOR 

VERMONT : 

DESIGNED TO IMPRESS AND PERPETUATE THE 

FIRST PRINCIPLES OF THE REVOLUTION 

ON THE MINDS OF YOUTH ; 

TOGETHER. WITH SOME 

PIECES IMPORTANT AND INTERESTING. 

ADAPTED FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS. 



BY IGNATIUS THOMSON. 



Only take heed to thy/elf, and keep thy foul diligently, left thou 
forget the things which thine eyes have feen, and left they depart 
from thy heart all the days of thy life. And ye Jhall teach than 
your children, fpeaking of them when thou fttteft in thine houfe t 
and when thou walkeft by the way, when thoU Heft down, and 
when thou rifeft up* MOSES. 



RANDOLPH, PER. 

PRINTED BY SERENO WRIGHT. 
1810. 



DISTRICT OF VERMONT, to wn 

Be it remembered, that on the fourth day of May, in the 
thirty-fourth year of the independence of the United States of Amer- 
ica, Ignatius Thomson, of faid diflrift, hath depojited in this 
office, the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author, 
in the words following, to wit : " The Patriot's Monitor, for 
Vermont, defigned to imprefs and perpetuate the firft 
principles of the revolution on the minds of youth ; togeth- 
er with fbme pieces important and interesting. Adapted for 
the ufe of fchools. By Ignatius Thomfon." In conformity 
to the aft of the Congrefs of the United States, entitled " An ad 
for the encouragement of learning, hy fecuring the copies of maps, 
charts and books to the authors and proprietors of fuch copies dur- 
ing the times therein mentioned ;" and alfo to an aft, entitled "An 
ah fupplementary to an aft, entitled 'An aft for the encouragement 
of learning, by fecuring the copies of maps, charts and books to the 
authors and proprietors of fuch copies during the times therein men- 
tioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of dejigning, 
engraving and etching hiflorical and other prints ." 

JESSE GOVE, 
Clerk of the diflrift of Vermont. 
A true copy of record. JESSE GOVE, Clerk. 



Declaration or h 

JN CONGRESS, JULY FOURTH, ON 

DR.ED AND SEVENTY-SIX. 1776.] 

lm 1\ DECLARAT. efentatives of 

the United States of America, in congrefs aifembL 

2. When in the ccurfe of human events, it becomes ne* 
ceifary for one people to difiblve the political bands which 
have connected them with another, and to afiume among 
the powers of the earth, the feparate and equal ftation to 
which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, 
a decent refpect to the opinions of mankind requires thai 
they fhould declare the cauies which impel them to the fep- 

ion. 

3. We hold thefe truths to be felf-evident, that all men 
are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator 
with certain unalienable rights ; that among thefe are life, 
liberty, and the purfuit of happinefs ; that to fecure thefc 
rights, governments are infatuted among men, deriving 
their juft powers from the confent of the governed ; 

4. That whenever any form of government becomes 
tractive of thefe ends, it is the right of t. le to alter 

or to aboliih it, and to inititute new governmev. ;; its 

foundation on inch principles, and organizing its powe: 
h form, as to them ihall i'eem moil likely to eixedt d 
Safety and happmeis. 

5. Prudence, indeed^ will dictate, that governments long 
ibliiked ihould not be changed for light and traniiert 

caufes ; and accordingly all experience hath iiiown, that 

-kind are more diipofed to iutfer, while evils a:*e fuffer- 

able, than to right themfelves by aboliihing the f 

hey are accufcemed. 

C. But when. a long train of abufes and uir.vpations, 

laing invariably the fame object, evinces a dellgn to re- 

abfolute deipotiim, it is their ri^ht. it is 



4 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

their duty, to throw off fuch government, and to provide 
new guards for their future fecurity. 

7. Such has been the patient fufferance of thefe colo- 
nies j and fuch is now the neceffity which conftrains them 
to alter their former fyftems of government. The hiftory 
of the prefent king of Great- Britain is a hiftory of repeated 
injuries and ufurpations, all having in direct object the ef- 
tablifhment of an abfolute tyranny over thefe ftates. To 
prove this, let facts be fubmitted to a candid world. 

8. He has refufed his affent to laws the moil wholefome 
and neceffary for the public good. He has forbidden his 
governors to pafs laws of immediate and preffing import- 
ance, unlefs fufpended in their operation till his affent fhould 
be obtained ; and when fo fufpended, he has utterly neg- 
lected to attend to them. 

9. He has refufed to pafs other laws for the accommo- 
dation of large diftricts of people, unlefs thofe people would 
relinquifh the right of reprefentation in the legiflature, a 
right ineftimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. 

10. He has called together legiflative bodies at places 
unufual, uncomfortable, and diftant from the depofitory of 
their public records, for the fole purpofe of fatiguing them 
into compliance with his meafures. He has difTolved repre- 
fentative houfes repeatedly, for oppofmg witii manly firm- 
nefs his invafions on the rights of the people. 

11. He has refufed for a long time, after fuch difTolu- 
tions, to caufe others to be elected ; whereby the legiflative 
powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the peo- 
ple at large for their exercife ; the ftate remaining in the 
mean time expofed to all the danger of invafion from with- 
out, and convulfions within. 

12. He has endeavored to prevent the population of 
thefe ftates ; fpr that purpofe obftructing the laws for nat- 
uralization of foreigners ; refufmg to pals others to encour- 
age their migrations hither, and raifing the conditions of 
new appropriations of lands. 

13. He has obftructed the adminiftration of juftice, by 
refufmg his affent to laws for eftablifhing judiciary powers. 
He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the 
tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of 
their falaries.. 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

14. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and fen!. 
hither fwarms of officers to harrafs our people, and eat out 
their fubftance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, 
ftanding armies, without the confent of our legiflatures. 

15. He has affected to render the military independent 
of and fuperior to the civil power. He has combined with 
others to fubject us to a jurifdiction foreign to our conftitu- 
tion, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his aflent 
to their acts of pretended legislation : for quartering large 
bodies of armed troops among us : 

16. For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punifh- 
ment for any murders which they mould commit on the in- 
habitants of thefe fiates : for cutting off our trade with all 
parts of the world : for impofmg taxes on us without our 
confent : for depriving us, in many cafes, of the benefits of 
trial by jury : 

17. For mmfporting us beyond feas to be tried for pre- 
tended offences : for abolilhing the free fyftem of Englim 
laws in a neighboring province, eilablifhing therein an arbi- 
trary government, and enlarging its boundaries ; fo as to 
render it at once an example and fit inft rumen t for introdu- 
cing the fame abfolute rule into thefe colonies : 

18. For taking away our charters, abolifhing our moft 
valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our 
governments : for fufpending our own legiflatures, and de- 
claring themfelves invefled with power to legislate for us in 
all cafes whatever. 

19. He has abdicated government here by declaring us 
out of his protection, and waging war againft us. He has 
plundered our feas, ravaged our coafts, burnt our towns, 
and deftroyed the lives of our people. 

20. He is at this time, tranfporting large armies of for- 
eign mercenaries to complete the works of death, defolation 
and tyranny, already begun with circumftances of cruelty 
and perfidy, fcarcely paralleled in the mod barbarous ages, 
and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

21. He has conftrained our fellow citizens, taken cap- 
tive on the high feas, to bear arms againft their country, to 
become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to 
fall themfelves by their hands. 

22. He has excited domeftic infurrections amonerft us> 

A2 



6 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our fron- 
tiers, the mercilefs Indian favages, whofe known rule of 
warfare is an undiftinguifhed deftruction of all ages, fexes 
and conditions. 

23. In every ftage of thefe oppreffions we have petition- 
ed for redrefs, in the mod humble terms : our repeated pe- 
titions have been anfwered only by repeated injury. A prince, 
whofe character is thus marked by every act which may de- 
fine a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

24. Nor have we been wanting in attention to our Brit- 
ifh brethren. We have warned them from time to time, of 
attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable ju- 
rifdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circum- 
(iances of our emigration and fettlement here. 

25. We have appealed to their native juftice and mag- 
nanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our 
common kindred, to difavow thefe ufurpations, which would 
inevitably interrupt our connexions and correfpondence. 

26. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of juftice 
and of confanguinity. We muft, therefore, acquiefce in 
the neceflity which denounces our reparation, and hold them, 
as we hold the reft of mankind, enemies in war ; in peace 
friends. 

27. We, therefore, the reprefentatives of the United 
States of America, in general congrefs afTembled, appealing 
to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our 
intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the 
good people of thefe colonies, folemnly publiih and declare, 
that thefe united colonies are, and of right ought to be, 

FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES ; 

28. That they are abfolved from all allegiance to the 
Britifh crown, and that all political connexion between them 
and the ftate of Great-Britain, is, and ought to be totally 
diiTolved ; and that as free and independent dates, they 
have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alli- 
ances, eftablifti commerce, and to do all other acts and 
things which independent ftates may of right do. 

29. And for the fupport of this declaration, with a firm 
reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutu- 
ally pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our 
facred honor. Signed by order and in behalf of the con- 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 7 

grefs. John Hancock, prefident. Attefted, Charles Thom- 
ion, fecretary. 

30. Ncw-Hampjhirc, Jonah Bartlctt, William Whipple, 
Matthew Thornton. Majfachufe its-Bay, Samuel Adams, 
John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. Rhode- 
IJland, Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. Connecticut, Ro- 
ger Sherman, Samuel Huntingt©n, William Williams, Ol- 
iver Wolcott. 

31. New-Tori, William Floyd, Philip Li vingfton, Fran- 
cis Lewis, Lewis Morris. New-Jerfey, Richard Stockton, 
John Witherfpoon, Francis Hopkinibn, John Hart, Abra- 
ham Clark. Pennfyhama, Robert Mcrris, Benjamin Rum, 
Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James 
S nith, George Taylor, James Wilfon, George Rofs. Deb> 
aware, Cefar Rodney, George Read. 

32. Maryland, Samuel Chafe, William Paca, Thomas 
Stone, Charles Carroll of Carrollton. Virginia, George 
Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferfon, Benjamin 
Harrifon, Thomas Nelfon jun. Francis Lightfoot Lee, Car- 
ter Braxton. North-Carolina, William Hooper, Jofeph Hewes, 
John Penn. South-Carolina, Edward Rutledge, Thomas 
Hey ward jun. Thomas Lynch jun. Arthur Middleton, 
Georgia, Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton. 



General Washington's Appointment and 
Acceptance of the Command of the American 
Army. 

mr, fresident, 

1. THOUGH I am truly fenfible of the high honor 
done me in this appointment, yet I feel great diftrefs from 
a confcioufnefs, that my abilities and military experience 
may not be equal to the extenfive and important truft : 

2. However, as the congrefs defire it, I will enter upon 
the momentous duty, and exert every power I poifefs in 
their fervice, and for the fupport of the glorious caufe. I 
beg they will accept my mod cordial thanks for this dis- 
tinguished teitimony of their approbation* 



8 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

3. But left fome unlucky event fhould happen unfavor- 
able to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by ev- 
ery gentleman in the room, that I this day declare with the 
utmoft fmcerity, I do not think myfelf equal to the com- 
mand I am honored with. 

4. As to pay, fir, I beg leave to allure the congrefs, 
that as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me 
to accept this arduous employment, at the expenle of my 
domeftic eafe and happinefs, I do not wiih to make any 
profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenfes. 
Thofe I doubt not they will difchargc, and that is all I 
defire. 



Gen. Washington's Address to the Ar:\ 

1. THE United States in congrefs aflembled, after giv- 
ing the moft honorable teftimony to the merits of the federal 
armies, and prefenting them with the thanks of their coun- 
try, for their long, eminent and faithful fervice, having 
thought proper, by their proclamation, bearing date the 
18th of October laft, to discharge fuch part of the troops 
as were engaged for the war, and to permit the officers on 
furlough to retire from fervice, from and after tc-morrcw •; 

2. Which proclamation having been communicated in 
the public papers, for the information and governmen* 
all concerned, it only remains for the commander in chief 
to addrefs himfelf once more, and that for the laft time, to 
the armies of the United States, (hov/ever widely difperfed 
individuals who compofe them may be,) and to bid them 
an affectionate — a long farewell. 

3. But before the commander ^n chief takes his final 
leave of thofe he holds moft dear, he wiihes to indulge him* 
felf a few moments in calling to mind a flight view of the 
paft : he will then take the liberty of exploring, with his 
military friends, their future profpects ; of advifmg the 
general line of conduct, which, in his opinion, ought to be 
purfued j and he will conclude the addrefs, by exprefllng 
the obligations he feels himfelf under for the fpirited and 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 9 

able affiilance he has experienced from them, in the per- 
formance of an arduous office. 

4. A contemplation of the complete attainment, (at a 
period earlier than could have been expected,) of the object 
for which we contended, againit ib formidable a power, can- 
not but infpire us with allonifhment and gratitude. The 
difadvantageous circumftances on our part, under which the 
war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. 

5. . The fignal interpofitions of Providence, in our feeble 
condition, were fuch as could fcarcely efcape the attention 
of the moil unobierving ; while the unparalleled perfever- 
ance of the armies of the United States, through almoft. 
every poffible fuffering and difcouragement, for the fpace of 
eight long years, was little fhort of a (landing miracle. 

6. It is not the meaning, nor within the compafs of 
this addrefs, to detail the hardfhips peculiarly incident to 
our fervice, or to defcribe the diftreffes which, in feveral in- 
ftances, have refulted from the extremes of hunger and na- 
kednefs, combined with the rigors of an inclement feafon : 
nor is it neceffary to dwell on the dark fide of our pad affairs. 

7. Every American officer and lbldier mult, now confole 
himfelf for any unpleafant circumftance which may have oc- 
curred, by a recollection of the uncommon fcenes in which he 
has been called to act no inglorious part, and the aftonifh- 
ing events of which he has been a witnefs — events which 
have feldom, if ever before, taken place on the ftage of hu- 
man action ; nor can they probably ever happen again. 

8. For who has before feen a disciplined army formed 
at once from fuch raw materials ? Who that was not a wit- 
nefs could imagine that the moil violent local prejudi 
would ceafe fo icon, and that men who came from the dif- 
ferent parts of the continent, ftrongly difpoied by the habits 
of education to defpiie and quarrel with each other, would 
inftantly become but one patriotic band of brothers ? 

9. Or who that was not on the fpot, can trace the fteps 
by which fuch a wonderful revolution has been effected, and 
filch a glorious period put to all our warlike toils ? 

10. It is univerfally acknowledged, that the enlarged 
profpects of happmefs, opei^d by the confirmation of our 
independence and ibvereign^P almoft exceed the power of 
defcription : and fhall not the brave men who have coatri- 



10 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

buted fo effentially to theie ineftimable acquifitions, retir 
victorious from the field of war to the field of agriculture, 
participate in all the bleffings which have been obtained : 

.11. In fuch a republic, who will exclude them from the 
rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labors ? In fuch a 
country, fo happily circumftanced, the purfuits of commerce, 
and the cultivation of the foil, will unfold to induftry the 
certain road to competence. 

12. To thofe hardy foldiers who are actuated by the 
fpirit of adventure, the fineries will afford ample and prof- 
itable employment ; and the extenfive and fertile regions of 
the welt, will yield a mod happy afylum to thofe who, fond 
of domeftic enjoyment, are feeking peribnal independence. 

13. Nor is it poflible to conceive that any one of the 
United States will prefer a national bankruptcy, and the 
diflblution of the union, to a compliance with the requif:- 
tions of congrefs, and the payment of its juft debts ; fo 
that the officers and foldiers may expect considerable affiil- 
ance, in recommencing their civil occupations, from the 
fums due to them from the public, which muft and will 
mod inevitably be paid. 

14*. In order to effect this defirable purpoYe, and remove 
the prejudices which may have taken poffeffion of the mil 
of any of the good people of the dates, it is earneftly re- 
commended to all the troops, that, with ftrong attachment 
to the union, they ihould carry with them into civil fociety 
the mod conciliating difpofitions, and that they fhould prove 
themfelves not lefs virtuous and uieful as citizens, than t 
have been victorious as foldiers. 

15. What though there mould be fome envious individ- 
uals, who are unwilling to pay the debt the public has con- 
tracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit ; yet, let fuch 
unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any infta 

of intemperate conduct. Let it be remembered, that the 
unbiaifed voice of the free citizens of the United States, has 
promifed the juft reward, and given the merited applaufe. 

16. Let it be known and remembered, that the reputa- 
tion of the federal armies is eftablifhed beyond the reach of 
malevolence - f and let a confej^fnefs of their achievements 
and fame, frill excite the mei^phc compofed them to hon- 
orable actions, under fuafion that the private vir 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. II 

of economy, prudence, and mduftry, will not be lefs amia- 
ble in civil life, than the more fpletidid qualities of valor, 
perfeverance, and enterprife, were in the field. 

17. Every one may reft affured, that much, very much 
of the future kappinefs of the officers and men, will depend 
upon the wife and manly conduct which mall be adopted by 
them, when they are mingled with the great body of the 
community. 

18. And, although the general has fo frequently given 
it as his opinion, in the moft public and explicit manner, 
that unlefs the principles of the federal government were 
properly fupported, and the powers of the union increafed, 
the honor, dignity, and juftice of the nation woi ftl be loft 
for ever ; 

.19. Yet he cannot help repeating, on this occafion, fo 
interefting a fentiment, and leaving it as his laft injunction 
to every officer and every foldier, who may view the fubjecl: 
in the fame ferious point of light, to add his heft endeavors 
to thofe of his worthy fellow citizens, towards effecting 
thefe great and valuable purpofes, on which our very exift- 
ence as a nation fo materially depends. 

20. The commander in chief conceives little is now 
wanting to enable the foldier to change the military charac- 
ter into that of the citizen, but that fteady, decent tenor of 
behavior, which has generally diftinguiflied not only the 
army under his immediate command, but the different de- 
tachments and armies, through the courfe of the war. 

21. From their good fenfe and prudence he anticipates 
the happieft confequences ; and while he congratulates them 
on the glorious occafion which renders their fervices in the 
field n.o longer neceftary, he wifhes to exprefs the ftrong 
obligations he feels himfelf under, for the affiftance he has 
received from every clafs, and in every inftance. 

22. He prefents his thanks in the moft ferious and affec- 
tionate manner, to the general officers, as well for their 
counfels on many interefting occafions, as for their ardor in 
promoting the fuccefs of the plans he had adopted — to the 
commandants of regiments, and corps, and to the other 
officers, for their zeal and attention in carrying his orders 
promptly into execution — to the ftafF, for their alacrity and 
exaftnefs in performing the duties of their feveral depart- 



12 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

ments ; and to the non-commiflioned officers and private 
foldiers, for their extraordinary patience and fuffering, as 
well as their invincible fortitude in action. 

23. To the various branches of the army, die general 
takes this laft and folemn opportunity of profefling his in- 
violable attachment and friendftiip. He wifties more than 
bare profeffions were in his power, that he was really able 
to be ufeful to them all in future life. He flatters himfelf, 
however, they will do him the juftice to believe, that what- 
ever could with propriety be attempted by him, has been 
done. 

24. And being now to conclude thefe his lad public or- 
ders, to l^ike his ultimate leave in a ftiort time of the mili- 
tary character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has 
fo long had the honor to command, he can only again offer 
in their behalf, his recommendations to their grateful coun- 
try, and his prayers to the God of armies. 

25. May ample juftice be done them here* and may the 
choiceft of heaven's favors, both here and hereafter, attend 
thofe who, under the divine aufpices, have fecured innume- 
rable bleffings for others. With thefe wifties, and this ben- 
ediction, the commander in chief is about to retire from 
fervice. The curtain of feparation will foon be drawn, and 
the military fcene to him will be clofed forever. 



General Washington's Resignation of 

the Command of the Army. 

mr* president, 

1. THE great events on which my refignation depend- 
ed, having at length taken place, I have now the honor of 
offering my fincere congratulations to congrefs, and of pre- 
fenting myfelf before them to furrender into their hands the 
truft committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of re- 
tiring from the fervice of my country. 

2. Happy in the confirmation of our independence and 
fovereignty, and pleafed witj| the opportunity afforded the 
United States of becoming a refpeclable nation, I refign 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. J3 

with fatisfa&ion the appointment I accepted with diffidence ; 
a diffidence in my abilities to accomplifh fo arduous a talk, 
which, however, was fuperfeded by a confidence in the rec- 
titude of our caufe, the fupport of the fupreme power of 
the union, and the patronage of Heaven. 

3. The fuccefsful termination of the war has verified the 
mod fanguine expectations ; and my gratitude for the inter- 
pofition of Providence, and the affiftance I have received 
from my countrymen, increafes with every review of the 
momentous conteft. 

4. While I repeat my obligations to the army in gen- 
eral, I ftiould do injustice to my own feelings, not to ac- 
knowledge in this place, the peculiar fervices and dfliinguifh- 
ed merits of the perfons who have been attached to my per- 
fon during the war. 

5. It was impoffible the choice of confidential officers 
to compofe my family fhould have been more fortunate. 
Permit me, fir, to recommend in particular, thofe who 
have continued in the fervice to the prefent moment, as 
worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of congrefs. 

6. I confider it as an indifpenfable duty to clofe this laft 
folemn act of my official life, by commending the interefts 
of our deareft country to the protection of Almighty God, 
and thofe who have the fuperintendence of them to his holy 
keepings 

7. Having now finifhed the work affigned me, I retire 
from the great theatre of action ; and, bidding an affec- 
tionate farewell to this auguft body, under whofe orders I 
have long acted, I here cffer my commiffion, and take 
leave of all the employments of public life. 



General Washington's Circular Letter 

to the Governors of the several States. 

Head-Quarters, Newburgh, June 18, 1783. 
1. SIR.. ..The object for which I had the honor to hold 
an appointment in the fervice of my country, being accom- 
plifhed, I am now preparing to refign it into the hands of 
B 



14 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

congrefs, and return to that domeftlc retirement, which, it 
is well known, I left with the greater!: reluctance ; 

2. A retirement for which I have never ceafed to figh 
through a long and painful abfence, in which, (remote 
from the noife and trouble of the world,) I meditate to pafs 
the remainder of life, in a ftate of undilhirbed repofe : 

3. But, before I carry this refolution into effect, I think 
it a duty incumbent on me to make this my lad official 
communication, to congratulate you on the glorious events 
which Heaven has been pleafed to produce in our favor ; 
to offer my fentiments refpecling fome important fubje&s, 
which appear to me to be intimately connected with the 
tranquility of the United States ; to take my leave of your 
excellency as a public character ; and to give my final blef- 
fmg to that country, in whofe fervice I have fpent the prime 
of my life ; 

4. For whofe fake I have confumed fo many anxious 
days and watchful nights, and whofe happinefs, being ex- 
tremely dear to me, will always conftitute no inconfiderable 
part of my own. 

5. Impreifed with the liveliefl fenfibility on this pleafmg 
occafion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more 
copioufly on the fubject of our mutual felicitation. When 
we confider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, 
the doubtful nature of the contefl, and the favorable man- 
ner in which it has terminated ; we fhall find the greater! 
poffible reafon for gratitude and rejoicing. 

6. This is a theme that will afford infinite delight to ev- 
ery benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in con- 
templation be confidered as a fource of prefent enjoyment, 
or the parent of future happinefs ; and we fhall have equal 
occafion to felicitate ourfelves on the lot which Providence 
has affigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, 
or moral point of light. 

7. The citizens of America, placed in the moll enviable 
condition, as the fole lords and proprietors of a vaft tracl of 
continent, comprehending all the various foils and climates 
of the world, and abounding with all the neceffaries and 
conveniences of life, are now, by the late fatisfa&ory paci- 
fication, acknowledged to be polfeiTed of abfolute freedom 
and independency : they are from this period to be confid- 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 1.3 

ered as the actors on a molt confpicuous theatre, which 
feems to be peculiarly defigned by Providence for the dif- 
play of human greatnefs and felicity. 

8. Here they are not only furrounded with every thing 
that can contribute to the completion of private and domes- 
tic enjoyment ; but heaven has crowned all its other blef- 
fmgs, by giving a furer opportunity for political happinefs, 
than any other nation has ever been favored with. 

9. Nothing can illuftrate thefe obfervations more forci- 
bly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times 
and circumftances, under which our republic aifumed its 
rank among the nations. 

10. The foundation of our empire was not laid in a 
gloomy age of ignorance and luperftition, but at an epocha 
when the rights of mankind were better under flood and 
more clearly defined, than at any former period. 

11. Researches of the human mind after focial happf- 
nefs have been carried to a great extent ; the treafures cf 
knowledge acquired by the labors of philofophers, fages, 
and legislators, through a long fucceffion of years, are laid 
open for us, and their collected wifdom may be happily ap- 
plied in the eftabliihment of our forms of government. 

12. The free cultivation of letters, the unbounded ex- 
tenfion of commerce, the progreffive refinement of manners, 
the growing liberality of fentiment ; and, above all, the 
pure and benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating 
influence on mankind, and increafed the bleffings of focietv. 
At this aufpicious period, the United States came into ex- 
iftence as a nation ; and if their citizens fhould not be com- 
pletely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own. 

13. Such is our fituation, and fitch are our profpects. 
But notwithstanding the cup of blefiing is thus reached out 
to us ; notwithstanding happinefs is ours, if we have a dif- 
pofition to feize the occafion, and make it our own ; yet it 
appears to me there is an option frill left to the United States 
of America, whether they will be refpectable and profper- 
ous, or contemptible and miferable as a nation. 

14. This is the time of their political probation : this is 
the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned 
upon them : this is the time to eftablifh or ruin their nation. 
al character for ever : this is the favorable moment to give 



1$ THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

fuch a tone to the federal government, as will enable it to 
anfwer the ends of its inftitution ; 

15. Or, this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing 
the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the 
confederation, and expofmg us to become the fport of Eu- 
ropean politics, which may play one ftate againft: another, 
to prevent, their growing importance, and to ferve their own 
interefted purpofes. 

16. For, according to the fyftem of policy the dates 
fhall adopt at this moment, they will ftand or fall ; and, by 
their confirmation or lapfe, it is yet to be decided, whether 
the revolution mufc ultimately be confidered as a blefling or a 
curfe ; — a blefling or a curie, not to the prefent age alone, for 
with our fate will the deftiny of unborn millions be involved. 

17. With this conviction of the importance of the pref- 
ent crifis, filence in me would be a crime ; I will therefore 
fpeak to your excellency the language of freedom and fin- 
cerity, without difguife. I am aware, however, thofe who 
differ from me in political fentiments may, perhaps, remark, 
I am ftepping out of the proper line of my duty ; and they 
may poilibly afcribe to arrogance or oftentation, what I 
know is alone the refult of the purefr. intention. 

18. But the rectitude of my own heart, which difdains 
fuch unworthy motives ; the part I have hitherto acted in 
life ; the determination I have formed of not taking any 
ihare in public bufmefs hereafter ; the ardent defire I feel, 
and fhall continue to manifeft, of quietly enjoying in pri- 
vate life, after all the toils of war, die benefits of a wife and 
liberal government, will, I flatter myfelf, fooner or later, 
convince my countrymen, that I could have no fmifter views 
in delivering with fo little referve the opinions contained in 
this addrefs. 

19. There are four things which I humbly conceive are 
eflential to the well being, I may even venture to fay to the 
exiftencc, of the United States as an independent power. 
1ft, An indiffoluble union of the ftates under one federal 
head. 2dly. A facred regard to public juilice. 3dly. The 
adoption of a proper peace eftablifhment. 

20. And, 4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and 
friendly difpofition among the people of the United States, 
which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and 



THE PATRIOT':, TOR. 17 

policies ; td make thofe mutual conceflions which are requ> 
ike to the general profperity ; and, in fome inftances, to 
Sacrifice their individual advantages to the intereft of the 
community. 

21. Thefe are the pillars on which the gloricus fabric of 
our independency and national character muft be fupported. 
Liberty is the bails — and whoever would dare to lap the 
foundation, or overturn the itruclure, under whatever fpe- 
cious pretext he may attempt it, wiil merit the bittereft ex- 

Jtonj anithe fevered punifhment, which can be inflicted 
by his injured country. 

22. On the three fir ft articles I will make a few obfer- 
vations ; leaving the laft to the good fenfe and ferious con- 
sideration of thofe immediately concerned. 

23. Under the firft head, although it may not be necef- 
fary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular 
difquifition of the principles of the union, and to take up 
the great quellion which has been frequently agitated, 
whether it be expedient and requifite for the Hates to dele- 
gate a larger proportion of power to congrefs, or not : 

it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, 
to aifert without referve, and to infill upon the follow". 
pofitions : 

24. That unlefs the Mates will fuflfer congrefs to exercife 
thofe prerogatives they are undoubtedly inverted with by 
the conftitution, every thing mull very rapidly tend to an- 
archy and confufion : that it is indifpenfable to the happi- 
nefs of the individual dates, that there mould be lodged, 
fome where, a fupreme power to regulate and govern the 
general concerns of the confederated republic, without 
which the union cannot be of long duration : 

25. That there muft be a faithful and pointed compli- 
ance on the part of every ftate with the late propofals and 
demands of congrefs, or the moft fatal cenfequences will 
enfue : that whatever meafures have a tendency to diiTolve 
the union, or contribute to violate or leiien the fovereign au- 
thority, ought to be confidered as hoflile to the liberty and 
independency of America, and the authors of them treated 
accordingly. 

26. And, laftly, that unlefs we can be enabled by the 
concurrence of the ftates to participate of the fruits oi the 

B 2 



T8 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

revolution, and enjoy the effential benefits of civil fcciety, 
under a form of government fo free and uncorrupted, fo 
happily guarded againft the danger of oppreffion, as has 
been deviled and adopted by the articles of confederation, it 
will be a fubjedfc of regret, that fo much blood and treafure 
have been lavifhed for no purpofe ; that fo many fufferings 
have been encountered without a compenfation, and that fo 
many facrifices have been made in vain. 

27. Many other confiderations might here be adduced 
to prove, that without an entire conformity to the fpirit of 
the union, we cannot exift as an independent power. It will 
be fufficient for my purpofe to mention but one or two, which 
ieem to me of the greateft importance. 

28. It is only in our united character, as an empire, 
that our independence is acknowledged, that our power can 
be regarded, or our credit fupported among foreign nations. 
The treaties of the European powers with the United States 
of America will have no validity on a diffolution of the 
.union. 

29. We fhall be left nearly in a ft ate of nature ; or we 
may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a 
natural and neceffary progreftion from the extreme of anar- 
chy to the extreme of tyranny ; and that arbitrary power is 
moil eafily eftabliihed on the ruins of liberty abufed to li- 
centioufnefs. 

30. As to the fecond article, which refpedts the perform- 
ance of public juftice, congrefs have, in their late addrefs to 
the United States, almoft exhaufted the fubjecl ; they have 
explained their ideas fo fully, and have enforced the obliga- 
tions the Rates are under to render complete juftice to all 
the public creditors, with fo much dignity and energy, that, 
in my opinion, no real friend to the honor and independen- 
cy of America can hefitate a fmgle moment refpecting the 
propriety of complying with the juft and honorable rneaf- 
ures propofed. 

31. If their arguments do not produce conviction, I 
know of nothing that will have greater influence, efpecially 
when we reflecl: that the fyftem referred to, being the refult 
of the collected wifdom of the continent, muft be efteemed, 
if not perfect, certainly the leaft objectionable of any that 
could be deviled ; and that, if it fhould not be carried into 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. ly 

immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its de- 
plorable confequences, will take place before any different 
plan can poffibly be propofed or adopted ; fo prefling are 
the prefent circum fiances, and fuch is the alternative now 
offered to the ft ates* 

32. The ability of the country to difcharge the debts 
which have been incurred in its defence^, is not to be doubt- 
ed ; and inclination, I flatter myfelf, will not *be wanting. 
The path of our duty is plain before us ; honeify will be 
found, on every experiment, to be the bell: and only true 
policy. 

33. Let us then, as a nation, be juft ; let us fulfil the 
public contracts which congrefs had undoubtedly a right to 
make for the purpofe of carrying on the war, with the fame 
good faith we fuppofe ourfelves bound to perform our pri- 
vate engagements. 

34. In the mean time, let an attention to the cheerful 
performance of their proper bufmefs, as individuals, and as 
members of fociety, be earneftly inculcated on the citizens of 
America ; then will they ftrengthen the bands of govern- 
ment, and be happy under its protection. Every one will 
reap the fruit of his labors : every one will enjoy his own 
acquifitions, without moleftation and without danger. 

35. In this flate of abfolute freedom and perfect fecuri- 
ty, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to 
fupport the common interefts of fociety, and enfure the pro- 
tection of government ? Who does not remember the fre- 
quent declarations at the commencement of the war, That 
we fhould be completely fatisfied, if, at the expenfe of one 
half, we could defend the remainder of our poileiuons ? 

36. Where is the man to be found, who wiihes to re- 
main in debt, for the defence of his own perfon and proper- 
ty, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, 
without making one generous effort to pay the debt of hon- 
or and of gratitude ? In what part of the continent ihall we 
find any man, or body of men, who would not blufli to 
ftand up and propofe meafures purpofely calculated to rob 
the foldier of his ftipend, and the public creditor of his 
due ? 

37. And were it poffible that fuch a flagrant inftance of 
injuftice could ever happen, would it not excite the general 



20 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of 
fuch meafures the aggravated vengeance of heaven ? 

38. If, after all, a fpirit of drfunion, or a temper of 
obftinacy and perverfenefs fhould manifeft itfelf in any of 
the ftates, if fuch an ungracious difpofition ihould attempt 
to.fruftate all the happy effects that might be expected to 
flow from the union ? if thereihould be a refufal to comply 
with requifitions for funds to discharge the annual mtcreft 
of the public debts ; and if that refufal fhould revive all 
thofe jealoufies, and produce all thole evils, which are now 
happily removed, congrefs, who have in all their transac- 
tions, fhown a great degree of magnanimity and juftice, 
will Hand juftified in the iight of God and man ! and that 
ftate alone, which puts itfelf in oppofition to the aggregate 
wifdorn of the continent, and follows inch miitaken and 
pernicious councils, will be refponfible for all the too 
quences. 

39. For my own part, confcious of having acted while 
a fervant of the public, in the manner I conceived heft fak- 
ed to promote the real intereirs of my country ; having in 
coniequence of my fixed belief, in fome meafure pledged 
myfelf to the army, that their country would finally do 
them complete and ample juftice ; and not wifhing to con- 
ceal any inftance of my official conduct from the eyes of the 
world, I have thought proper to tranfmit to your excellency 
the enclofed collection of papers, relative to the half-pay and 
commutation granted by congrefs to the officers of the army. 

40. From thefe communications my decided fentiment 
will be clearly comprehended, together with the concluiive 
reafons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend 
the adoption of this meafure in the molt earner! and ferious 
manner. 

41. As the proceedings of congrefs, the army, and my- 
felf, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, fufficient 
information to remove the prejudices and errors which may 
have been entertained by any, I think it unneceffary to fay 
any thing more than juft to obferve, that the refolutions of 
congrefs, now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and abfolute- 
ly binding upon the United States, as the mod folemn acts 
of confederation or legiflation. 

42. As to the idea which, I am informed, has in fome 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 21 

• uices prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are 
to be regarded merely in the odious light of a penfion, it 
ought to be exploded for ever : thai provifion mould be 
viewed, as it really was, a reafonable compenfation offered 
by congrefs, at a time when they had nothing elfe to give 
to officers of the army, for fervices then to be performed. 

43. It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction 
of the fervice. It was a part of their hire ; I may be al- 
lowed to fay, it was the price of their blood, and of your 
independency. It is therefore more than a common debt ; 
it is a debt of honor ; it can never be confidered as a pen- 
fion or gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly difcharged. 

4-4-. With regard to the di ft met ion between officers and 
foldiers, it is Sufficient that the uniform experience of every 
nation of the world combined with our own, proves the 
utility and propriety of the difcrimination. Rewards in pro- 
portion to the aid the public draws from them, are unques- 
tionably due to all its Servants. 

45. In fome lines, the foldiers have perhaps, generally, 
had as ample compenfation for their fervices, by the large 
bounties which have been paid them, as their officers will 
receive in the propofed commutation ; 

46. In others, if, befides the donation of land, the pay- 
ment of arrearages of clothing and wages, (in which arti- 
cles all the component parts of the army muft be put upon 
the fame footing,) we take into the eftimate the bounties 
many of the foldiers have received, and the gratuity of one 
year's full pay, which is promifed to all, pcffibly their Situ- 
ation, (every circumftance being duly considered,) will not 
be deemed lefs eligible than that of the officers. 

47. Should a farther reward, however, be judged equit- 
able, I will venture to ailert, no man will enjoy greater Sat- 
isfaction than myfelf, in an exemption from taxes for a lim- 
ited time, (which has been petitioned for in fome inftances,) 
or any other adequate immunity or compenfation granted 
to the brave defenders of their country's caufe. 

48. But neither the adoption or rejection of Jus pfope- 
' Sition will, in any manner, affect, much lefs militate againft, 

the act of congrefs, by which they have offered five years 
full pay, in lieu of the half-pay for life, which had been 
before promifed to the officers of the army. 



22 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

49. Before I conclude the fubject on public juftice, I 
cannot omit to mention the obligations this country is un- 
der to that meritorious clafs of veterans, the non-com mif- 
fioned officers and privates, who have been discharged for 
inability, in confequence of the refolution of congrefs, of 
the 23d of April, 1782, on an annual penfion for life. 

50. Their peculiar Sufferings, their fmgular merits and 
claims to that provifion, need only to be known, to intereit 
the feelings of humanity in their behalf. 

51. Nothing but a punctual payment of their annual al- 
lowance, can refcue them from the moil complicated mife- 
ry ; and nothing could be a more melancholy and diftreffing 
fight, than to behold thofe who have ihed their blood, or 
jtaft their limbs in the fervice of their country, without a 
fhelter, without a friend, and without the means of obtain- 
ing any of the comforts or necefTaries of life, compelled to 
beg their bread daily from door to door. Suffer me to re- 
commend thofe of this defcription, belonging to your ftate, 
to the warmeft patronage of your excellency and your le- 
giflature. 

52. It is necerTary to fay but a few words on the third 
topic which was propofed, and which regards particularly 
the defence of the republic — as there can be little doubt but 
congrefs will recommend a proper peace eftablifhment for 
the United States, in which a due attention will be paid to 
the importance of placing the militia of the Union upon a 
regular and refpe&able footing. If this fhould be the cafe, 
I fhould beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the 
ftrongeft terms. 

53. The militia of this country muft be confidered as 
the palladium of our fecurity, and the firft effectual refort 
in cafe of hoftility. It is eifential, therefore, that the fame 
fyftem fhould pervade the whole ; that the formation and 
discipline of the militia of the continent fhould be abfolute- 
ly uniform ; and that the fame fpecies of arms, . accoutre- 
ments, and military apparatus, ihould be* introduced in ev- 
ery part of the United States. 

54. No one, who has not learned it from experience, 
can conceive the difficulty, expenfe and confufion, which re- 
mit from a contrary fyiiem, or the vague arrangements 
which have hitherto prevailed. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 23 

55. If> in treating of political points, a greater latitude 
than ufual has been taken in the courfe of the addrefs ; the 
importance of the crifis, and the magnitude of the objects 
in difcuffion, mud be my apology. 

56. It is, however, neither my wifh nor expectation, 
that the preceding obfervations (hould claim any regard, ex- 
cept fo far as they fhall appear to be dictated by a good in- 
tention, confonant to the immutable rules of juftice ; calcu- 
lated to produce a liberal fyftem of policy, and founded on 
whatever experience may have been acquired, by a long and 
clofe attention to public bufmefs. 

57. Here I might fpeak with more confidence, from my 
actual obfervations ; and if it would not fwell this letter, 
(already too prolix,) beyond the bounds I had prefcribed 
myfelf, I could demonftrate to every mind, open to convic- 
tion, that in lefs time, and with much lefs expenfe than has 
been incurred, the war might have been brought to the 
fame happy conclufion, if the refources of the continent 
could have been properly called forth ; 

58. That the diftreffes and difappointments which have 
very often occurred, have, in too many inftances, refulted 
more from a want of energy in the continental government, 
than a deficiency of means in the particular ftates ; 

59. That the insfflcacy of the meafures, arifing from 
the want of an adequate authority in the fupreme power, 
from a partial compliance with the requisitions of congrefs, 
in fome of the ftates, and from a failure of punctuality in 
others, while they tended to damp the zeal of thofe who 
were more willing to exert themfelves, ferved alfo to accu- 
mulate the expenfes of the war, and to fruftrate the beft 
concerted plans ; 

60. And that the difcouragement occafioned by the com* 
plicated difficulties and embarrafTments, In which our affairs 
were by this means involved, would have long ago produc- 
ed the diffolution of any army, lefs patient, lefs virtuous, 
and lefs perfevering, than that which I have had the honor 
to command. 

61. But while I mention thofe things which are notori- 
eus facts, as the defects of our federal conftitution, particu- 
larly in the profecution of a war, I beg it may be under- 
stood, that as I have ever taken a pleafure in gratefully ac- 



24 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

knowledging the afllftance and fupport I have derived from 
every clafs of citizens ; fo fhall I always be happy to do 
juftice to the unparalleled exertions of the individual ftates, 
on many interefting occafions. 

62. I have thus freely difclofed what I wifhed to make 
known, before I furrendered up my public truft to thofe 
who committed it to me. The tafk is now accomplifhed ; 
I now bid adieu to your excellency, as the chief magiftrate 
of your date ; at the fame time I bid a laft farewell to the 
cares of office, and all the employments of public life. 

63. It remains, then, to be my final and only requeft, 
that your excellency will communicate thefe fentiments to 
your legiflature, at their next meeting ; and that they may 
be confidered as the legacy of one who has ardently wifhed, 
on all occafions, to be ufeful to his country, and who, even 
in the made of retirement, will not fail to implore the di- 
vine benediction upon it. 

64. I now make it my earned prayer, that God would 
have you, and the (late over which you prefide, in his holy 
protection ; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens 
to cultivate a fpirit of fubordination and obedience to gov- 
ernment ; to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one 
another ; for their fellow-citizens of the United States at 
large, and particularly for their brethren who have ferved 
in the field ; 

65. And, finally, that he would moft gracioufly be 
pleafed to difpofe us all to do juftice, to love mercy, and to 
demean ourfelves with that charity, humility, and pacific 
temper of the mind, which were the characteriftics of the 
divine author of our bleffed religion ; without an humble 
imitation of whofe example, in thefe things, we can never 
hope to be a happy nation. 

66. I have the honor to be, with much efteem and ref- 
pect, fir, your excellency's moft obedient and moft humble 
fervant. 

GEO : WASHINGTON. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 25 



Constitution of the United States* 

1. WE, the people of the United States, in order to 
form a more perfect union, eftablifh juftice, infure domeftic 
tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the 
general welfare, and fecure the bleffings of liberty to our- 
ielves and our pofterity, do crdain and eftablifh this corifti- 
tution for the United States of. America. 

ARTICLE FIRST. [L] 

SECTION FIRST, [l.j 

2. All legiflative powers herein granted fhall be vetted 

in a congrefs of the United States, which fhall confift of a 
fenate and houfe of reprefentatives. . 

SECTION SECOND. [2«3 

3. The houfe of reprefentatives fhall confift of members 
chofen every fecond year by the people of the feveral ftates, 
and the electors in each ftate fhall have the qualifications re- 
quifite for electors of the moft numerous branch of the ftate 
legiflature. 

4. No perfon fhall be a representative who fhall not have 
attained to the age of twenty -five years, and been feven 
years a citizen of the United Jftates, and who fhall not, 
when elected, be an inhabitant of that ftate in which he 
fhall be chofen. 

5. Reprefentatives and direct taxes fhall be apportioned 
among the feveral ftates, which may be included within this 
union, according to their refpective numbers, which fhall be 
determined by adding to the whole number of free perfons, 
including thofe bound to ferve for a term of years, and ex- 
cluding indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other perfons. 
The actual enumeration fhall be made within three years 
after the firft meeting of the congrefs of the United States, 
and within every fubfequent term of ten years, in fuch man- 
ner as they fhall by law direct. 

6. The number of reprefentatives fhall not exceed one 
for every thirty thoufand, but each ftate fhall have at leafl 
one reprefentative ; and till fuch enumeration fhall be made, 
the ftate of New-Hampfhire fhall be entitled to choofe three, 
Maffachufetts eight, Rhode-Ifland and Providence Planta- 
tions one, Connecticut five, New-York fix, New-Jerfey four, 

C 



26 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland fix, Virgi 
ten, North-Carolina five, South-Carolina five, and Georgia 
three. 

7. When vacancies happen in the reprefentation from 
any (late, the executive authority thereof iliall iflue writs of 
election to fill fuch vacancies. The houfe of reprefentatives 
iliall choofe their fpeaker and other officers ; and ihail have 
the fole power of impeachment. 

SECTION THIRD. [3.] 

8. The fenate of the United States ihall be compofed of 
two fenators from each date, chofen by the legillature there- 
of, for fix years ; and each fenator ihall have one vote. 

9. Immediately after they (hall be aflembled in confe- 
quence of the firft election, they mail be divided as equally 
as may be into three claifes. The feats of the fenators of 
the firft clafs ihall be, vacated at the expiration of the fecond 
year, of the fecond clafs at the expiration of the fourth year, 
and of the third clafs at the expiration of the iixth year, fo 
that one third may be chofen every fecond year ; and if 
vacancies happen by refignation, or otherwife, during the 
recefs of the legiflature of any ftate, the executive thereof 
may make temporary appointments till the next meeting of 
the legiflature, which iliall then fill fuch vacancies. 

10. No perfon ihall be a fenator who ihall not have at- 
tained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a cit- 
izen of the United States, and who iliall not, when elected, 
be an inhabitant of that ftate for which he iliall be chofen. 
The vice-preiident of the United States ihall be prefident of 
the fenate, but ihall have no vote, unlefs they be equally 
divided. 

11. The fenate ihall choofe their other officers, and al- 
fo a prefident pro tempore, in the abfence of the vice-prefi- 
dent, or when he ihall exercife the office of prefident of the 
United States. 

12. The fenate iliall have the fole power to try all im- 
peachments. When fitting for that purpofe, they iliall be 
on oath or affirmation. When the prefident of the United 
States is tried, the chief juftice ihall prefide : and no perfon 
ihall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of 
the members prefent. 

13. Judgment in cafes of impeachment ihall not extend 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 27 

further than to removal from office, and difqualiflcadon to 
Id and enjoy any office of honor, truft or profit under 
the United Stares ; but the party convicted fhall neverthelefs 
be liable tmd fubjecl to indictment, trial, judgment, and 
punifhment, according to law. 

SECTION FOURTH. [4.1 

14. The times, places, and manner of holding elections 
ienators and reprefentatives, ill all be prefer ibed in each 

te by the legiilature thereof : but the congrefs may, at 
any time, by lav/, make or alter fuch regulations, except as 
to the places of chooilng fenators. The congrefs fhall a - 
femble at lead once in every year ; and fuch meeting fhall 
be on the hrfl Monday in December, unlefs they fhall by 
law appoint a different day. 

SECTION FIFTH. [5.] 

15. Each houfe fhall be the judge of the elections, re- 
turns, and qualifications of its own members : and a ma- 
jority oi each fhall comlitute a quorum to do bufihefs : but 
a fmaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may 
be authcrifed to compel the attendance of abfent members, 
in fuch manner and under fuch penalties as each houfe may 
provide. 

16. Each houfe may determine the rules of its proceeds 
ings ; punifh its members for diforderly behavior ; and, with 
the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. Each 
houfe fhall keep a journal of its proceedings ; and, from 

le to time, publilh the fame, excepting fuch parts as may, 
in their judgment, require fecrecy : and the yeas and nays, 
of the members of either houfe, on any queition, fhall, at 
the deflre of one fifth of thole prefent, be entered on 
journal. 

17. Neither houfe, during the feiTion of congrefs, fhall, 
without the confent o£ the other, adjourn for more than 
three days, nor to any other place than that in which the 
two houfes fhall be fitting:. 

SECTION SIXTH. [6.j 

18. The fenators and reprefentatives mall receive a com- 
penfation for their fervices, to be afcertained by law, and 
paid out of the treafury of the United States. They fhall, 
in all cafes, except treafon, felony, and breach of the peace, 
be privileged from arreft, during their attendance at the fef- 



23 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

fion of .their refpective houfe, and in going to, and return- 
ing from the fame : and for any fpeech or debate in either 
houfe, they fhall not be queitroned in any other place. 

19. No fenator or reprefentative mall, during the time 
for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office* 
under the authority of the United States* which mall have 
been created, or the emoluments of which fhall have been 
increafed, during mch time : and no peribn holding any of- 
fice under the United States, fhall be a member of either 
houfe, during his continuance in onice. 

SECTION SEVENTH. [?.] 

20. All bills, for raifmg revenue, fhall originate in the 
houfe of reprefentatives ; but the fenate fhall propofe or con- 
cur with amendments, as on other bills. 

21. Every bill, which fhall have paffed the houfe of rep* 
refentatives and the fenate, fhall, before it become a law, be 
prefented to the prefident of the United States. If he ap- 
prove, he fhall fign it : but if not, he fhall return it, with 
his objections, to that houfe in which it fhall have originated, 
who fhall enter the objections at large on their journal, 
and proceed to re^confider it. 

22. If, after fuch reconfideration, two thirds of that 
houfe fhall agree to pafs the bill, it fhall be fent, together 
with the objections, to the other houfe, by which it fhall 
likewife be re-confidered : and if approved by two thirds of 
that houfe it fhall become a law. But in all fuch cafes, die 
votes of both houfes fhall be determined by yeas and nays : 
and the names of the perfons voting for and againfl the bill 
fhall be entered on the journal of each houfe reflectively. 

23. If any bill mail not be returned by the prefident, 
within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it fhall have been 
prefented to him, the fame fhall be a lav/, in like manner as 
if he had figned it, unlefs the congrefs, by their adjourn- 
ment, prevent its return ; in which cafe it fhall not be a 
lav/. 

24. Every order, refolution, or vote, to which the con- 
currence of the fenate and houfe of reprefentatives may be 
neceffary (except on a queftion of adjournment) fhall be 
prefented to the prefident of the United States ; and, be- 
fore the fame fhall take effect, be approved by him ; or- 
ing diiapproved by him, mall be repailed by h 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 29 

both houfes, according to the rules and limitations preferr- 
ed in the cafe of a bill. 

SECTION EIGHTH. [8.] 

25. The congrefs fhall have power to lay and colled 

taxes, duties, imports and excifes, to pay the debts, and pro- 
vide for the common defence and general welfare of the li- 
nked States : but all duties, imports and excifes fhall be uni- 
form throughout the Unied States. To borrow money on 
the credit of the United States. To regulate commerce 
with foreign nations, and among the feveral Rates, and with 
the indian tribes. 

26. To eflabliih an uniform rule of naturalization, and 
uniform laws on the fubject of bankruptcies, throughout the 
United States. To coin money ; regulate the value there- 
of, and of foreign coin ; and fix the ftandard of wei; 
and rneafures. To provide for the punifhment of counter- 
feiting the fecurities and current coin of the United States. 
To eitablifh pott-offices and poft-roads. 

27. To piomote the progreis of fcience and ufeful arts, 
by fecuring, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the 
exclufive right to their refpe&ivc writings and difcove: 
To constitute tribunals inferior to the fupreme court. To 
define and punifh piracies and felonies committed on the 
high leas, and offences againfc the law of nations. 

28. To declare war ; grant letters of marque and re- 
prifal ; and make rules concerning captures on land and 
water. To raife and lupport armies. But no appropriation 
of money for that ufe mail be for a longer term than two 
years. To provide and maintain a navy. To make rules 
for the government and regulation of the land and naval 
forces. To provide for calling forth the militia, to execute 
the laws of the union, fuppreis infurreclions, and repel in- 
vafions. 

29. To provide for organizing, arming and difciplining 
the militia, and for governing fuch part of them as may be 
employed in the fervice of the United States ; refervmg to 
the dates refpectively, the appointment of the officers, and 
the authority of training the militia according to the difci- 
pline prefcribed by congrefs. 

30. To exercife exclufive legillation, in all cafes whatev- 
er, over fuch diftricl: (not exceeding ten miles fquare) as 



50 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

may, by ceflion of particular ftates, and the acceptance of 
congrefs, become the feat of the government of the United 
vStates ; and to exercife like authority over all places pur- 
chafed by the ccnfent of the legislature of the ftate in which 
the fame fhall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arfe- 
nals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings : 

31. And to make ail laws, which mall be neceffary and 
proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and 
all other powers ve ft ed by this conftitution in the govern- 
ment of the United States, or in any department or officer 
thereof. 

SECTION NINTH. [9.] 

32. The migration or importation of fuch perfons, as 
any of the ftates now exifling, fhall think proper to admit r 
fhall not be prohibited by the congrefs, prior to the year one 
tPkmfand eight hundred and eight : but a tax or duty may 
be impofed on fuch importation, not exceeding ten dollars 
for each perfon. The privilege of the writ of habeas cor- 
pus fhall not be fufpended, unlefs when, in cafes of rebellion 
or invafion, the public fafety m?y require it. 

33. No bill of attainder, or ex poft facto law, fhall be 
pafled. No capitation or other direct tax ihall be laid, un- 
lefs in proportion to the cenfus or enumeration herein bfci 
directed to be taken. No tax or duty fhall be laid on arti- 
cles exported from any ftate. No preference fhall be given, 
by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of 
one ftate over thofe of another : nor fhali veifels, bound to 
or from one ftate, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties 
in another. 

34. No money fhall be drawn from the treafury, but in 
confequence of appropriations made by law : and a regular 
ftatemeat and account of the receipts and expenditures of 
all public money, fhall be publiihed from time to time. No 
title of nobility fhall be granted by the United States. And 
ho perion, holding any office of profit or truft under them, 
fhali, without the content of congrefs, accept of any pref- 
ent, emolument, office or title, of any krnd whatever, from 
any king, prince, or foreign ftate. 

SECTION TENTH. [10.] 

35. No ftate fhall enter into any treaty, alliance, or con- 
federation ; grant letters of marque and reprifal ; coin 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 31 

ey ; emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and 
er coin a tender in payment ol debts ; pafs any bill cf 
attainder, ex poft facto law, or law impairing the obligation 
of contracts, or grant any title c£ nobility. 

36. No ftate mall, without the confent cf congrefs, lay 
any imports or duties on imports or exports, except wha* 
may be abfolutely neceilary for executing its inflection bl- 
and the net produce of all duties and impofts, laid by any 
ftate on imports or exports, mail be for the ufe cf the treas- 
ury of the United States ; and all fuch laws (hall be fubj 
to the revifion and control of the congrefs. 

37. No ftate fhall, without the confent of congrefs, 
lay any duty on tonnage, keep troops, or fhips of war, in 
time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with 
another Hate, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, 
unlefs actually invaded, or in fuch imminent r as will 

admit of delay. 

ARTICLE SECOND. [II.] v 

SECTION FIRST. [l.J 

The executive power fhall be veiled in a prefident 

the United States of America. He fhall hold his office 
ring the term of four years, and, together with the vice- 
iident, chofen for the fame term, be elected as follows : 

39. Each ftate fnall appoint, in fuch manner as the leg- 
ture thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to 

the whole number of fenators and repreientatives, to which 
the ftate may be entitled in the congrefs. But no fenator, 
or reprefentative, or perfon holding any office of truft or 
profit, under the United States, fhall be appointed an elector. 

40. The electors fhall meet in their reipective ikates, and 
vote by ballot for two perfons, of whorn one at leaft, iliall 
not be an inhabitant of the fame ftate with themfelves. 
And they fhall make a lift of all the perfons voted for, and 
of the number of votes for each ; which lift they fhall fign 
and certify, and tranfmit fealed to the feat of the govern- 
ment of the United States, directed to the prefident of the 
fenate. 

41. The prefident of the fenate fhall, in the prefence of 
the fenate and home of reprefentatives, open all the certifi- 
cates, and the votes fhall then be counted. The perfon hav- 
ing the greateft number of votes fhall be the prefident, if 



32 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

fuch number be a majority of the whole number of electors 
appointed ; and if there be more than one who have fuch 
majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the 
houfe of reprefentatives mail immediately chooie by ballot 
one of them for prefident : and if no perfon have a major- 
ity, then, from the five higheil on the lift, the faid houfe 
(hall in like manner chooie the prefident. 

42. But in choofing the prefident, the votes mail be ta- 
ken by Rates, the reprefentation from each ftate having one 
vote : a quorum for this purpoie ihall confift of a member 
or members from two-thirds of the dates : and a majority 
of all the ftates ihall be neceifary to a choice. In every cafe, 
after the choice of the prefident, the perfon having the 
greateit number of votes of the electors, Ihall be the vice- 
prefident. But if there mould remain two or more, who 
have equal votes, the fenate fhall choofe from them, by bal- 
lot, the vice-prefident. 

43. The conrjrefs may determine the time of choofing 
the electors, and the day on which they fnall give their 
votes ; which day (hall be the fame throughout the United 
States. No perfon, except a natural born citizen, or a citi- 
zen of the United States, at the time of the adoption of 
this constitution, ihall be eligible to the office of prefident. 
Neither fhall any perfon be eligible to that office, who fhall 
not have attained to the age of thirty -five years, and been 
fourteen years a refident within the United States. 

44. In cafe of the removal of the prefident from office, 
or of his death, reiignation, or inability to difcharge the 
powers and duties of the faid office, the fame ihall devolve 
on the vice-prefident ; arid the congrefs may, by law, pro- 
vide for the cafe of -removal, death, refignation, or inabili- 
ty, both of the prefident and vice-prefident, declaring what 
officer fhall then adt as prefident : and fuch officer ihall act 
accordingly, till the diiability be removed, or a prefident 
ihall be ele&ed. 

45. The prefident ihall, at ftated times, receive for his 
fervices, a compenfation, which ihall neither be fncreafed 
nor diminiihed, during the period for which he ihall have 
been elected : and he fhall not receive, within that period, 
any other emolument from the United States, ©r any of 
them. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

46. Before be enter on the execution of his office, he 
fhall [lowing oath or affirmation : " I do folemn- 

affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office 
of prefident of the United States ; and will, to the beft of 
my abilit ve, protect, and defend the conftitution of 

the United States." 

SECTION SECOND. [2.] 

1-7. The prefident ihall be commander in chief of the 
v and navy of the United States, and of the militia of 
when called into the actual fervice of the 
:ed States. He may require the opinion, in writing, of 
the principal officers in each of the executive departments, 
any fubject. relating to the duties of their respective of- 
fices : and he fhall have power to grant reprieves and par- 
-, for offences againft the United States, except in cafes 
of impeachment. 

48. He fhall have power, by and with the advice and 
confent of the fenate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds 
of the fenators prefent concur : and he fhall nominate, and 
by and with the advice and confent of the fenate, fhall ap- 
point ambaffadors, other public minifters and confuls, judges 
of the fupreme court, and all other officers of the United 
States, whofe appointments are not herein otherwife provid- 
ed for, and which fhall be eftablifhed by law. 

49. But the congrefs may, by law, veft the appointment 
of fuch inferior officers, as they think proper, in the prefi- 
dent alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of depart- 
ments. The prefident mall have power to fill all vacancies 

t may happen during the recefs of the fenate, by grant- 
corn mi (Eons, which fhall expire at the end of their next 
ion. 

SECTION THIRD. [3.] 

'. He fhall, from time to time, give to the congrefs 
/mation of the ft ate of the ui. commend to 

n fuch meafures as he fhall judge neceflary 
expedient. He may, on extraordinary occafions, con- 
in cafe of difa- 
n them, with refpect to the time of ad- 
fimcnt, he m to fuch time as lie fhall 

He fhall receive ambaflad pub- 

minifters. are that 1 laws be frit] fully 



Si THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

executed ; and fhall commiffion all the officers of the Unit- 
ed States. 

SECTION FOURTH. [4.J 

51. The prefident, vice-prefident, and all civil officers 
of the United States, fhall be removed from office, on im- 
peachment for, and conviction of, treafon, bribery, or other 
high crimes and mifdemeanors. 

ARTICLE THIRD. [III.] 

SECTION FIRST. [l.j 

52. The judicial power of the United States fnall be 
vested in one fupreme court, and in fuch inferior courts, as 
the congrefs may, from time to time, ordain and eftablifh. 
The judges, both of the fupreme and inferior courts, fhall 
hold their offices during good behavior ; and fhall, at ftated 
times, receive for their fervices, a compenfation, which fhall 
not be diminifhed during their continuance in office. 

SECTION SECOND. [2.] 

53. The judicial power fhall extend to all cafes, in law 
and equity, arifmg under this conftitution, the laws of the 
United States, and treaties made, or which fhall be made, 
under their authority ; to all cafes affecting ambaifadors, 
other public minifters, and confuls ; to all cafes of admiral- 
ty and maritime jurifdi&ion ; to controverfies to which the 
United States fhall be a party ; to controverfies between 
two or more ftates, between a Rate and citizens of another 
ftate, between citizens of different ftates, between citizens 
of the fame ftate, claiming lands under grants of different 
ftates, and between a ftate, or the citizens thereof, and for- 
eign ftates, citizens, or fubje&s. 

54. In all cafes, affecting ambaifadors, other public min- 
ifters and confuls, and thofe in which a ftate fhall be a par- 
ty, the fupreme court fhall have original jurifdiction. In all 
the other cafes before mentioned, the fupreme court fhall 
have appellate jurifdiction, both as to law and fact, with 
fuch exceptions, and under fuch regulations, as the congrefs 
fhall make. 

55. The trial of all crimes, except in cafes^ of impeach- 
ment, fhall be by jury ; and fiich trial fhall be held in the 
ftate where the laid crimes fhall have been committed ; but 
when not committed within any ftate, the trial fhall be at 
fuch place or places, as the congrefs may by law have di- 
rected. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 35 

SECTION THIRD. [8.] 

the United States, (hall con Hit only 
syymg war agair.lt them, or in adhering to their ene- 
» 9 giving them aid and comfort. No perfon fhall be 
■d ot treafon unlets on the teilimony of two witneifes 
to the fame overt acl, or on confeilion in open court. The 
congrefs mail have power to decLire the punifhment of trea- 
fon : but no attainder of treafon ihall .vork corruption of 
blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the perfon 
attainted. 

ARTICLE FOURTH. [IV.] 

SECTION FIRST. [1.] 

57, Full faith and credit (hall be given, in each Mate, to 
the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every oth- 
er ftate. And the congreis may, by penal laws, prefcribe 
the manner in which fuch acts, records and proceedings 
: be proved, and the effect thereof. 

. SECTION SECOND. [2.] 

The citizens of each (late fhall be entitled to all the 
; leges and immunities of citizens in the ieveral dates. 
A perfon charged in any ftate with treafon, felony, or other 
crime, who (hall flee from juftice, and be found in another 
ftate, fhall, on demand of the executive authority of the 
ftate from which he fled, be delivered to be removed to the 
: ng jurifdicl'on of the crime. 

No perfon, held to fervice or labor in one ftate, un- 

the laws thereof, efcaping into another, Ihall, in confe- 

quence of any law or regulation therein, be difcharged from 

fervice or labor ; but ihall be delivered on claim of the 

to whom fuch fervice or labor may be due. 

SECTION THIRD. [53.] 

60. New dates may be admitted by the congrefs into 

Union ; but no new ftate fhall be formed or erected 

within the jurifdiction of any other ftate, nor any ftate be 

formed by die junction of two or more ftates, or parts of 

ithout the confent of the legiflatures of the ftates 

concerned, as well as of the congrefs. 

The congrefs fhall have power to difpofe of, and 

e all needful rules and regulations, reflecting the terri- 

or other property belonging to the United States : and 

nothing in tins conftitution mall be fo conftrued as to preju- 



36 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

dice any claims of the United States, or of any particular 
ftate. 

SECTION FOURTH. [4 1 .] 

62. The United States fhall guarantee to every ftate in 
this Union, a republican form of government ; and fhall 
protect each of them again ft invafion, and on application of 
the legiflature, or of the executive (when the legislature 
cannot be convened) againft domeftic violence. 

ARTICLE FIFTH. [V.] 

63. The congrefs, whenever two-thirds of both houfes 
fhall deem it neceflary, fhall propofe amendments to this 
conftitution, or, on the application of the legiflatures of 
two thirds of the faveral ftates, fhall call a convention for 
propofing amendments, which, in either cafe, fhall be valid 
to all intents and purpofes, as part of this conftitution, when 
ratified by the legiflatures of three-fourths of the ftates, or 
by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the 
other mode of ratification may be propofed by the congrefs ; 

64. Provided, that no amendment, which may be made 
prior to the year one thoufand eight hundred and eight, 
mall in any manner affect the fir ft and fourth claufes in the 
ninth fe&ion of the firft article ; and that no ftate, without its 
confent, mail be deprived of its equal fuffrage in the fenatc. 

ARTICLE SIXTH. [VI.] 

65. All debts contracted,, and engagements entered into, 
before the adoption of this conftitution, fhall be as valid 
againft the United States under this conftitution as under 
the confederation. 

66. This conftitution, and the laws of the United States 
which fhall be made in purfuance thereof, and all treaties 
made, or which fhall be made, under the authority of the 
United States, fhall be the fupreme law of the land : and 
the judges, in every ftate, fhall be bound thereby, any thing 
in the conftitution or laws of any ftate to the contrary not- 
withftanding. 

67. The fenators and feprefentatives before mentioned, 
and the members of the feveral ftate legiflatures, and all ex- 
ecutive and judicial officers both of the United States and 
of the feveral ftates, fhall be bound by oath or affirmation, 
to fupport this conftitution ; but no religious teft fliall evei 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

be required as a qualification to any office or public Cr 
under the United States. 

ARTICLE SEVENTH. [VII.] 

68. The ratification of the conventions of nine ftates 
fhall be fufficient for the eftablifhment of this conftitution 
between the ftates fo ratifying the fame. — Done in conven- 
tion, by the unanimous confent of the ftates prefent, the 
feventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one 
thoufand feven hundred and eighty-feven, and of the inde- 
pendence of the United States of America the twelfth. 

In witnefs whereof, &c. 

GEO. WASHINGTON, prefident. 

69. New-Hampshire, John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. 
Majfachufetts, Nathaniel Gorham, RuftiS King. Connet 
William Samuel Johnfon, Roger Sherman. Nezv-T^rk, 
Alexander Hamilton. New -J erf y, William Livingfton, 
David Brearly, William Pacterfon, Jonathan Da) ton. 
Pennfyhanicu, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert 
Morris, George Ciymer, Thomas Fitzfimons, Jared Inger- 
foll, James Wilfon, Gouverneur Morris. 

TO. Delaware, George Reed, Gunning Bedford jun. 
John Dickinfon, Richard Baffet, Jacob Broom. Maryland* 
James M'Henry, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, Daniel 
Carrol. Virginia, John Blair, James Madifon jun. North- 
Carolina, William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh 
Williamibn, South-Carolina, John Rutledge, Charles Cctef- 
worth Pinkney, Charles Pinkney, Pierce Butler. Georgia, 
William Few, Abraham Baldwin. 

Atteft, - WILLIAM JACKSON, fec'y. 

Resolve of Convention. 

IN CONVENTION, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER SEVENTEENTH, ONE 
THOUSAND SEVEN HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-SEVEN. 

[Sept. 17, 1787.] 
Prefent— the Jlates of New-Hampfiire, Majfachufetts, Connefiicut, 
Mr. Hamilton from New-fork, New-Jerfey, Penrfyhania, 
Delaware Maryland, Virginia, "North -Carolina, South-Car* 
clina and Georgia : 

1. RESOLVED, that the preceding conftitution be 
laid before the United Slates in conarrefs afiembled, and that 
D 






8 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOIl. 



it is the opinion of this convention, that it mould afterwards 
be fubmitted to a convention of delegates, chofen in each 
ft ate by the people thereof, under the recommendation of 
its legislature, for their aifent and ratification ; and that each 
convention aflenting to, and ratifying the fame, fhould give 
notice thereof to the United States, in congrefs ailembled. 

2. Refolved, that it is the opinion of this convention, 
that as foon as the conventions of nine ftates fhall have rat- 
ified, this conftitution, the United States in congrefs aflem- 
bled fhould fix a day on which electors fhould be appointed 
by the ftates which fhall have ratified the fame, and a day 
on which the electors fhould affemble to vote for the prefi- 
dent, and the time and place for commencing proceedings 
under this conftitution. 

3. That after fuch publication, the electors fhould be 
appointed, and the fenators and representatives elected : 
that the electors fhould meet on the day fixed for the election 
of the prefident, and fhould tranfmit their votes certified, 
figned, fealed and directed, as the conftitution requires, to 
the fecretary of the United States in congrefs affembled. 

4. That the fenators and reprefentatives fhould convene 
at the time and place affigned : that the fenators fhould ap- 
point a prefident of the fenate, for the fole purpofe of re- 
ceiving, opening and counting the votes for prefident ; and 
that after he fhall be chofen, the congrefs, together with the 
prefident, fhould without delay proceed to execute this con- 
ftitution. — By the unanimous order of the convention. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, prefident. 
William Jackson, fecretary. • 



Letter of Convention. 

1% CONTENTION* SEPTEMBER SEVENTEENTH, ONE THOUS- 
AND SEVEN HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-SEVEN. 

[Sept. 17, 1787.] 

1. SIR.. ..We have rtow the honor to fubmit to the con- 
fidoatic n of the United Stales in congrefs aiTembled, that 
ccoiiVituiion which has appeared to us the moil advifable. 
The IX lends of our country have long feen and defired, that 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 39 

the power of making war, peace and treaties, that of levy- 
ing money and regulating commerce, and the correfpond- 
ent executive- and judicial authorises, mould be fully and 
clually vefted in the general government of the Union ; 
but the impropriety of delegating fuch extenfive trufts to 
one body of men is evident — Hence refults the neceffity of 
a different organization. 

2. It is obvioufly impracticable in the federal govern- 
ment of thefe ftates, to fecure all rights of independent 
fovereignty to each, and yet provide for the intereil and 
fafety of all — individuals entering into fociety, mult give 
up a fliare of liberty to preferve the red. The magnit 

of the facriflce muft depend as well on fituation and circum- 
ftance, as on the object to be obtained. 

3. It is at all times difficult to draw with preciilon, the 
line between thofe rights which muft be furrendered, and 
thofe which may be referved ; and on the prefent occafion, 
this difficulty was increafed by a difference among the fever- 
al ftates as to their fituation, extent, habits, and particular 
interefts. 

4. In all our deliberations on this fubjecr, we kept fteadi- 
ly in our view, that which appears to us the greateit inte 

of every true American, the oonfolidation of our union, in 
which is involved our profperity, felicity, fafety, perhaps 
our national exiftence. 

5. This important consideration, ferioufly and deeply 
impreffed on our minds, led each ftate in the convention to 
be lefs rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might 
have been otherwife expected ; and thus the conftitudon 
which we now prefent, is the remit of a fpirit of amity, and 
of that mutual deference and coiiceflion which the peculiari- 
ty of our political fituation rendered indifpenfable. 

6. That it will meet the full and entire approbation of 
every ftate is not, perhaps, to be expected ; but each will 
doubtlefs confider, that had her interefts been alone confult- 
ed, the coniequences might have been particularly difaoree- 
able or injurious to others ; that it is liable to as few excep- 
tions as could reafonably have been expected, we hope and 
believe ; that it may promote the lafting welfare of that 
country fo dear to us all, and fecure her freedom and hap- 
pinefs, is our mod ardent wifh. 



> 

^m THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

7. With great refpecl, we have the honor to be, fir, your 
excellency's moft obedient, and humble fervants. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, prefident.' 
By the unanimous order of the convention. 
His excellency the prefident of congrefs. 



Resolve of Congress. 

UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED, FRIDAY, -SEP- 
TEMBER TWENTY-RIGHT, ONE THOUSAND SEVEN HUNG- 
ERED AND EIGHTY-SEVEN. [Sept, 28, 1787.] 

Prefent — New-Hampfiire, MaJJachufdts, Cannedicut, New-Tort, 
New-Jerfey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, North-Car- 
olina, South-Carolina, and Georgia, andjrom Maryland, Mr. 
Rofs.^ 

CONGRESS having received the report of the conven- 
tion lately aflembled in Philadelphia, Resolved, unani- 
moufly, That the faid report, with the reiblutions and letter 
accompanying the fame, be tranfmitted to the feveral legif- 
latures, in order to be fubmitted to a convention of dele- 
gates chofen in each ftate by the people thereof, in confer* 
mity to the refolves of the convention made and provided 
in that cafe, 

CHARLES THOMSON, fecretaiy. 



Amendments of the Constitution. 

1. CONGRESS of the United States, begun and held 
at the city of New-York, on Wednefday the fourth of 
March, one thoufand ieven hundred and eighty-nine. The 
convention of a number of the dates having, at the time of 
their adopting the conftituticn* exprefled a defire, in order 
to prevent mifconftructions or abufe of its powers, that fur- 
ther declaratory and reftrictive claufes mould be added — - 
and as extending the ground of public confidence in the gov- 
ernment will bed infure the beneficent ends cf its inltitu- 
ViOn — 

2. Refolded, by the fenate and houfe of reprefentatives 
of the United States of America, in congrefs aflembled* 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 4i 

two thirds of both houfes concurring, That the following 
articles be propofed to the legislatures of the feveral ftates, 
as amendments to the conftitution of the United States, all, 
or any of which articles, when ratified by three-fourths of 
the faid legislatures, to be valid, to all intents and purpofes, 
as part of the laid conftitution : 

3. Articles, in addition to, and amendment of the con- 
ftitution of the United States of America, propofed by con- 
grefs, and ratified by the legislatures of the feveral ftates, 
purfuant to the fifth article of the original conftitution. 

4. After the firft enumeration, required by the firft arti- 
cle of the conftitution, there ihall be one reprefentative for 
every thirty thoufand, till the number fhall amount to one 
hundred ; after which, the proportion fhall be fo regulated 
by congrefs, that there (hall be not lefs than one hundred 
representatives, nor lefs than one reprefentative for every for- 
ty thoufand perfons, till the number of reprefentatives fhall 
amount to two hundred ; after which, the proportion ihall 
be fo regulated by congrefs, that there ihall not be lefs than 
two hundred reprefentatives, nor more than one reprefenta- 
tive for every fifty thoufand perfons. 

5. No law, varying the compenfation for the fervices of 
the fenators and reprefentatives, ihall take effecl:, till an elec- 
tion of reprefentatives ihall have intervened. Congrefs fhall 
make no law refpecling an eftablifhment of religion, or pro- 
hibiting the free exercife thereof, or abridging the freedom 
of fpeech, or of the prefs ; or the right of the people peace- 
ably to affemble, and to petition the government for a re- 
drefs of grievances* 

6. A well regulated militia being necefTary to the fecu- 
rity of a free ftate, the right of the people to keep and bear 
arms fhall not be infringed. No foldier fhall, in time of 
peace, be quartered in any houfe, without the confent of the 
owner ; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prefcri- 
bed by law. 

7. The right of the people to be fecure in their perfons, 
houfes, papers, and effecl s, againft unreafonable fearches 
and Seizures, fhall not be violated : and no warrants fhall 
ifhie, but on probable caule, fupported by oath or affirma- 
tion, — and particularly defcribing the place to be fearched? 
and the perfons or things to be feized. * 

D 2 



4& THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

8. No perfon fhall be held to anfwcr for a capital or oth- 
?rwife infamous crime, unlefs on a prefentment or indict- 
ment by a grand jury, except in cafes ariiing in the land or 
naval forces, or in the miiitia, when in actual iervice, in 
time of war, or public danger : nor -mall any perfon be fub- 
ject for the fame offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life 
or limb ; nor mall be compelled in any criminal cafe, to be 
a witnefs againit himfelf ; nor be deprived of life, liberty, 
or property, without due procefs of law : nor mall private 
property be taken for public ufe, without juft compenfa- 
tion. 

9. In all criminal profecutions, the accufed mail enjoy 
the right to a fpeedy and public trial, by an impartial jury, 
of the ftate and diftrict, wherein the crime fhall have been 
committed ; which diftricl fliall have been previoufly ascer- 
tained by law ; and to be informed of the nature and caufe 
®f the accufation ; to be confronted with the witneifes a- 
gainft him ; to have compulfory procefs for obtaining wit- 
neifes in his favor ; and to have the affiftance of counfel for 
his defence. 

10. In fuits at common law, where the value in contro- 
versy fhall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury 
fhall be preferred : and no fact tried by jury, fliall- be oth- 
erwife re-examined in any court of the United States, than 
according to the rules of common law. Exceflive bail fhall 
not be required ; nor exceffive fines impofed ; nor cruel and 
•unufual puniihments inflicted. 

11. The enumeration, in the conftitution, of certain 
Sights, fhall not be conftrued to deny or difparage others, 
retained by the people. The powers, not delegated to the 
United States, by the conftitution, nor prohibited by it to 
the ftates, are referved to the Hates r^pedively, or to the 
people. 

FREDERICK A. MUHLENBERG, 
fpeaker of the houfe of reprefentatives. 
JOHN ADAMS, vice-prefident of the United 
States, and prefident of the fenate. 
Atteft. 
John Beckley, clerk of the houfe of reprefentatives. 
Samuel A, Otis, fecretary of the fenate. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 43 



Eighth Congress of the Unitfd States, 
jit the firjl fejfion^ begun and held at the city of V/ajhington, in 
the territory of Columbia ', on Monday, the feventeenth of Odo* 
ber y one thrafand eight hundred art :hree. (1803.) 

1. RESOLVED by the fenate and houfe of reprefen- 
tatives of the United States of America in Congrefs af- 
fembled, two thirds of both houfes concurring, That in lieu 
of the third paragraph of the firft fection of the fecond 
tide of the conftitution of the United States, the following 
be propofed as an amendment to the conftitution of the U- 
nited States, which when ratified by three fourths of the 
legiflatures of the feveral Rates, (hall be valid to all intents 
and purpofes, as part of the laid conftitution, to wit : 

2. The electors mall meet in their refpecrive dates, and 
vote by ballot for prefident and vice-prefident, one of 
whom, at leaft, fhall not be an inhabitant of the fame ftate 
with themfelves ; they mall name in their ballots the perfon 
voted for as prefident, and in diilinct ballots the perfon vot- 
ed for as vice-prefident ; 

3. And they (hall make diftincr. lifts of all perfons vot- 
ed for as prefident, and of all perfons voted for as vice-pref- 
ident, and of the number of votes for each, which lifts they 
fhall fign and certify, and tranfmit fealed to the feat of 
government of the United States, directed to the prefident 
of the fenate ; 

4. The prefident of the fenate fhall, in the prefence of 
the fenate and houfe of reprefentatives, open all the certifi- 
cates, and the votes fhall then be counted ; 

5. The perfon having the greateft number of votes for 
prefident, fhall be the prefident, if fuch number be a ma- 
jority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if 
no perfon have fuch majority, then from the perfons having 
the higheft numbers not exceeding three on the lift of thofe 
voted for as prefident, the houfe of reprefentatives fhall 
choofe immediately, by ballot, the prefident 

6. But in chooiing the prefident, tire votes fhall be taken 
by ftates, the reprefentation from each ftate having one 
vote ; a quorum for this purpofe fhall confift of a member 
Oi members from two thirds of the ftates, and a majority 
of all the ftates ihall be neceiiary to a choice. 



44 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

7. And if the houfe of reprefentatives fhall not choofe a 
prefident, whenever the right of choice fhall devolve on 
them, before the fourth day of March next following, then 
the vice-prefident ifiali act as prefident, as in the cafe of the 
death or other conftituticu.il difability of the prefident. 

8. The peffon having the greateft number of votes as 
vice-prefident, fhall be the vice-prefident, if fuch number 
be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed,/ 
and if no perfon have a majority, then from the two high- 
eft numbers on the lift, the fenate fhall choofe the vice-pref- 
ident ; a quorum for the purpofe fhall confift of two-mirds 
of the whole number of fenators, and a majority of the 
whole number fhall be necelTary to a choice. 

9. But no perfon conftitutionally inelligible to the office 
of prefident fhall be eligible to that of vice-prefident of the 
United States. 

Atteft. JOHN BECKLEY, clerk to the 

houfe cf reprefentatives of the United States. 

SAMUEL A. OTIS, fecretary 
to the fenate of the United States*. 



President Washington's Inaugural Speech* 

1. FELLOW citizens of the fenate and of the houfe of 
reprefentatives — Among the viciftitudes incident to life, no 
event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that 
of which the notification was tranfmitted by your order, 
and received on the fourteenth day of the prefent month. 

2. On the one hand, I was fummoned by my country, 
whofe voice I can never hear but with veneration and love,, 
from a retreat which I had chofen with the fondeft predilec- 
tion, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable de- 
cifion, as the afylum of my declining )ears : 

3. A retreat which was rendered every day more ne- 
ceffary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of hab- 
it to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health 
to the gradual wafte committed on it by time. 

4. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 45 

fru- I my* country called me, ly>"nglui"- 

and moil experienced of 
into his qualifications, ci 
pondehce one who, inheriting 
Tits from nature, and unpractifed in the dil- 
ation, ought to be peculiarly confcious 
his own d ?s. 

In this of emotions, all I dare aver is, that 

it has be:n m a my duty from a juft 

appreciation of every circumilance by which it might be ef- 

hope is, that, if in accepting this tafk, I 

:> much fwayed by a grateful remembrance of 

by an . fenfibility to this 

proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens ; 

e thence .1 my incapacity, as well 

: on for the weighty and untried cares before 

me ; 

7. My error will be palliated by the motives which 

milled me, and its confequences be judged by my country 

) fome (hare of the partiality in which they originated. 

Such being the impreffions under which I have, in 

the public fummons, repaired to the prefen: 

•n ; it will be peculiarlv improper to omit, in this firft 

ial acT, my fervent ^applications to that Almighty Be-, 

ing who rules over die univerfe ; who preiides in the couu- 

s ; and whole providential aids can fupply e 

s benediction may confecrate to the 
s of the people of the United States, 

eflential pur- 
inilrument employed in 
h luccefs, the functions allot- 

Autlior of v 
it it expreif- 
i ; nor thofe of mv 
than either. N 

1 which 



46 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

character of an independent nation feems to have been dif- 
tinguifhed by ibme token of providential agency ; 

11. And in the important revolution juft accomplished 
in the fyftem of their united government, the tranquil de- 
liberations and voluntary confent of fo many diftmct com- 
munities, from which the event has refulted, cannot be com- 
pared with the means by which moll governments have 
been efcablifhed, without fome return of pious gratitude a- 
long with an humble anticipation of the future bleflings 
which the pad feem to prefage. 

12. Thefe reflections, arifmg out of the prefent crins, 
have forced thcmielves too ftrongly on my mind to be fnp- 
pre/Ted. You will join with me, I truft, in thinking that 
there are none, under the influence o^ which the proc 
ings of a new and free government can more aufpiciouflj 
commence. 

13. By the article eftablifhing the executive department, 
it is made the duty of the prelident to ' recommend to your 
confideration, fuch meafures as he fhall judge neceflary and 
expedient.' The circumftances under which I now meet 
you will acquit me from entering into that fubjedt, farther 
than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which 
you are aflembled, and which, in defining your powers, de- 
fignates the objects to which your attention is to be given. 

14. It will be more confident with thole circumftances* 
and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, 
to fubftitute in place of a recommendation of particular 
meafures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the recti- 
tude, and the patriotifm, which adorn the chai ackers felecr- 
ed tu devife and adopt them. 

15. In thefe honorable qualifications, I behold the fur- 
eft pledges that, as on one fide, no local prejudices or 
tachments, no feparate views or party animofities, will mif- 
direcl: the comprehenfive and equal eye which ought to 
watch over this great aifemblage of communities and in- 
terefts : 

16. So, on another, that the foundations of our nation- 
al policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles 
of private morality ; and the pre-eminence of free govern- 
ment be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 47 

affections of its citizens, and command the refpect of the 
world. 

17. I dwell on this profpect with every fatisfaction which 
an ardent love for my country can infpire ; fince there is no 
truth more thoroughly eftablifhed than that there exifts, in 
the economy and courfe of nature, an indiilbluble union be- 
tween virtue and happineis ; between duty and advantage ; 
between the genuine maxims of an honed and magnanimous 
policy, and the folid rewards of public profperity and fe- 
licity : 

18. Since we ought to be no lefs perfuaded that the pro- 
pitious fmiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation 
that difregards the eternal rules of order and right, which 
heaven itlelf has ordained : and fince the prefervation of 
the facred fire of liberty, and the dediny of the republican 
model of government, are juitly confide* ed as dkeply, 
perhaps as finally, itaked on the experiment intruded to 
the hands of the American jfeople. 

19. Befides the ordinary fubjects fubmitted to your care, 
it will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an 
exercife of the occafioral power delegated by the fifth arti- 
cle of the conditution is rendered expedient, at the preient 
juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urg- 
ed againft the fydem, or by the degree of inquietude which 
has given birth to them. 

20. Indead of undertaking particular recommendations 
on this fubjecl, in w r hich I could be guided by no lights de- 
rived from official opportunities, I lhall again give way to 
my entire confidence in your difcernment and purfuit of the 
public good : 

21. For I aflure myfelf, that whilft you carefully avoid 
every alteration which might endanger the benefits of a uni- 
ted and effective government, or which ought to await die 
future leffons of experience ; a reverence for die charader- 
idic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmo- 
ny, will fufflciently influence your deliberations on the quef- 
tion how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, 
or the latter be fafely and advantageoufly promoted. 

22. To the preceding obfervations I have one to add, 
which wall be mod properly addreffed to the houfe of rep- 
rsfentatives. It concerns myielf, and will therefore be as 



48 THE TATRIOT's MONITOR. 

brief as poffible. When I was nrft honored with a call in- 
to the fervice of my country, then on the eve of an ardu- 
ous flruggle for its liberties, the light in which I contempla- 
ted my duty required that I mould renounce every pecunia- 
ry compenfation. 

23. From this refolution I have in no inftance departed. 
And being ftill under the impreffions which produced it, I 
mull: decline, as inapplicable to myfelf, any fhare in the 
perfonal emoluments which may be indifpenfably included 
in a permanent provifion for the executive department ; and 
mud accordingly pray that the pecuniary eitimates for the 
ftaticn in which I am placed, may, during my continuance 
in it, be limited to fuch actual expenditures as the public 
good may be thought to require. 

2L Having thus imparted to you my fentiments, as 
they have been awakened by the occafion which brings us 
together, I ihall take my preient leave ; A 

25. But not without reibrfing once more to the benign 
Parent of the human race, in humble mppplication, that 
fince he has been pleafed to favor the American people 
with opportunities for deliberating in pei feel tranquillity, 
and difpofitions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity 
on a form of government for the fecurity of their union, 
and the advancement of their happineis ; 

26. So his divine bleflmg may be equally confpicuous in 
the enlarged views, die temperate conlultations, and the 
wife meafures on which the fuccefs of this government muft 
depend. 



President Washington's Address to the 

People of the United States of America. 

7/ is a legacy worthy fuch a father. — Shakespeare. 

1. FRIENDS and fellow citizens — The period for a 
new election of a citizen, to adminiiler the executive gov- 
ernment of the United States, being not far diftant, and 
the time actually arrived, when your thoughts mull be em- 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

ployed in defignating the perfon, who is to be clothed with 
that important truft, it appears to me proper, efpecially as it 
may conduce to a more diftincl expreffion of the public 
voice, that I mould now apprife you of the refoiution I 
have formed, to decline being confidered among the num- 
ber of thole, out of whom a choice is to be made. 

2. I beg you, at the fame time, to do me the jufcice to 
be affured, that this refolution has not been taken, without a 
firict regard to all the confederations appertaining to the re- 
lation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and 
that, in withdrawing the tender of iervice, which filence in 
my fituation might imply, I am influerced by no diminu- 
tion of zeal for your future intereft ; no deficiency of grate- 
ful refpect for your paft kindnefs : but urn fupported by a 
full conviction that the tlep is compatible with both. 

3. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the 
office to which your murages have twice called me, have 
been a uniform facrihce of inclination to the opinion of du- 
ty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your define. 
I conftantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in 
my £l>wer confiftently with motives, which I was not at lib- 
erty to dif regard, to return to that retirement, from which 
I had been reluctantly drawn. 

4. The ftrength of my inclination to do this, previous 
to the laft election, had even led to the preparation of an ad- 
drefs to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the then 
perplexed and critical poflure of affairs with foreign nations, 
and the unanimous advice of perfons entitled to my confi- 
dence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 

5. I rejoice that the ft ate of your concerns external as 
well as internal, no longer renders the purluit of inclination 
incompatible with the fentiment of duty, or propriety : and 
am perfuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my 
iervice, that in the preient circum (lances of our country, 
you will not difapprove my determination to retire. 

6. The imprefHons with which I flrft undertook the ar- 
duous truft, were explained on the proper occafion. In the 
difcharge of this truft, I will only fay, that I have with 
good intentions, contributed towards the organization and 
administration of the government, the beft exertions of 
which a very fallible judgment was capable. 



SO THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

7. Not unconfcious, in the outfet, of the inferiority of 
my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps (till 
more in the eyes of others, has ftrengthened the motives to 
diffidence of myfelf ; and every day the increafmg weight 
of years admonifhes me more and more, that the fhade of 
retirement is as neceffary to me as it will be welcome. 

8. Satisfied that if any circumftances have given pecul- 
iar value to my fervices, they were temporary, I have the 
confolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite 
me to quit the political fcene, patriotifm does not forbid it. 

9. In looking forward to the moment, which is intend- 
ed to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do 
not permit me to fufpend the deep acknowledgment of that 
debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for 
the many honors it has conferred on me ; 

10. Still more for the fteadfaft confidence with which it 
has fupported me ; and for the opportunities I have thence 
enjoyed of manifefting my inviolable attachment, by fervi- 
ces faithful and perfevering, though in ufefulnefs unequal 
to my zeal. 

11. If benefits have refulted to our country from thefe 
fervices, let it always be remembered to our praife, and as 
an inftructive example in our annals, that under circum- 
ftances in which the paffions, agitated in every direction, 
were liable to miflead, amidft appearances fometimes dubi- 
ous ; 

12. Viciffitudes of fortune, often difcouraging in fitua- 
tions, in which not unfrequently want of fuccefs has coun- 
tenanced the fpirit of criticifm — the conflancy of your fup- 
port was the eifential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of 
the plans by which they were effected. 

13. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I fhall carry 
it with me to my grave, as a ftrong incitement to unceafmg 
vows, that heaven may continue to you the choiceft tokens 
of its beneficence — that your union and brotherly affection 
may be perpetual — that the free conftitution, which is the 
work of your hanus, may be facredly maintained — that its 
adminiftration in every department may be damped with 
wifdom and virtue — 

14. That, in fine, the happinefs of the people of thefe 
ftates, under the aufpices of liberty, may be made complete, 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 51 

by fo careful a prefervation and fo prudent a ufe of this 
bleffing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending 
it to the applaufe, the affection, and adoption of every na- 
tion which is yet a ftranger to it. 

15. Here, perhaps, I ought to flop. But folicitude for 
your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the 
apprehenfion of danger, natural to that folicitude, urge me 
on an occafionlike the prefent, to offer to your foleirm con- 
templation, and to recommend to your frequent review, iome 
fentiments, which are the refult of much reflection, of no 
inconuderable obferv^ion, and which appear to me ail im- 
portant to the permanency of your felicity as a people. 

16. Thefe will be offered to you with the more freedom, 
as you can only feel in them the difinterefted warnings of a 
parting friend, who can poffibly have no perfonal motive to 
bias his counfel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to 
it, your indulgent reception of my fentiments on a former 
and not diffimilar occafion. 

17. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every lig- 
ament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necef- 
fary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 

18. The unity of government which conftitutes you one 
people, is alio now dear to you. It is juftly fo ; for it is a 
main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the fup- 
port of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad ; of 
your fafety ; of your profperity ; of that very liberty which 
you fo highly prize. 

19. But, as it is eafy to forefee, that from different cau- 
fes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, 
many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the con- 
viction of this truth ; 

20. As this is the point in your political fortrefs, againft 
which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be 
moft conftantly and actively, (though often covertlv and in- 

j fidioufly) directed, it is of infinite moment that you mould 
properly eftimate the immenfe value of your national union, 
to your colledive and individual happinefs ; 

21. That you mould cherifh a cordial, habitual and im- 
movable attachment to it ; accufioming yourfelves to think 
and fpeak of it as of the palladium of your political fafety 
;and proipenty, watching for its prefervation with jealous 



52 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may fuggeft even a. 
fufpicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; 

22. And indignantly frowning on the firfl dawning of 
every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from 
the reft, or to enfeeble the facred ties which now link to- 
gether the various parts. 

23. For this you have every inducement of fympathy 
and intered. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common 
country, that country has a right to concentrate your affec- 
tions. The name of American, which belongs to you in 
your national capacity, muft always exalt the jufl pride of 
patriotifm, more than any appellation derived from local 
difcriminations. 

2 k With flight fhades of difference, you have the fame 
religion, manners, habits and political principles. You 
have, in a common caufe, fought and triumphed together ; 
the independence and liberty you poffefs are the work of 
joint councils, and joint efforts, of common dangers, fuf- 
ferings and fuccefTes. 

25. But thefe confiderations, however powerfully they 
addrefs themfelves to your fenfibility, are greatly outweigh- 
ed by thofe which apply more immediately to your intereft. 
Here every portion of our country finds the moft command- 
ing motives for carefully guarding and preferving the union 
of the whole. 

26. The north, in an unrestrained intercourfe with the 
^uthy protected by the equal laws of a common government, 

Is in the productions of the latter, great additional re- 
fources of maritime and commercial enterprife, and precious 
materials of manufacturing induilry. The fouth in the fame 
intercourfe, benefitting by the agency of the north, fees its 
agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. 

27. Turning partly into its own channels the feamen of 
the north, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and 
while it contributes, in different ways, to nourifti and in* 
creafe the genera! mafs of the national navigation, it looks 
forward to the protection of a maritime (irengdi, to which 
is: elf is unequally adapted. 

28. The eajl, in a like intercourfe with the ivejl, already 
fends, and in the progreffion of interior communications, by 
land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 53 

for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manu- 
factures at home. 

29. The weft derives from the eaft fupplies requifite to 
its growth and comfort ; and what is, perhaps, of ftill 
greater confequence, it muft of neceffity owe the fecure en- 
joyment of indifpenfable outlets for its own productions to the 
.weight, influence, and the future maritime ftrength of the 
Atlantic fide of the union, directed by an indiffoluble com- 
munity of intereft as one nation. 

80, Any other tenure by which the weft can hold this ef- 
fential advantage, whether derived from its own feparate 
ftrength, or from an apoftate and unnatural connection with 
any foreign power, muft be intrinfically precarious. 

31. While, then, every part of our country thus feels 
an immediate and particular intereft in union, all the pans 
combined, cannot fail to find in the united mafs of means 
and efforts, greater ftrength, greater refource, proportiona- 
lly greater lecuiity, from external danger, a lefs frequent 
interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; 

32. And what is of ineftimable value ! they muft de- 
rive from union, an exemption from thofe broils and wars 
between themfelves, which fo frequently afflict neighboring 
countries, not tied together by the fame government ; which 
their own rivalfhips alone would be fufncient to produce, 
but which oppofite foreign alliances, attachments and in- 
trigues would ftimulate and embitter. 

S3. Hence they would avoid the neceffity of thofe over- 
grown military eftablifhments, which under any form of 
government are inaufpicious to liberty, and which are to be 
regarded as particularly hoftile to republican liberty. 

34. In this fenfe it is, that your union ought to be con- 
fidered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love 
of the one ought to endear to jrou the prefervation of the 
other. 

35. Thefe confiderations fpeak a perfuafive language to 
every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continu- 
ance of the union as a primary object of a patriotic defire. 
Is there a doubt whether a common government can em- 
brace fo large a fphere ? Let experience folve it. 

36. To liften to mere fpeculation in fuch a cafe, would 
be criminal. We are authorifed to hope that a proper C r-- 

E 2 



54 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR, 

ganizatiori of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of g 

u nits for the refpeclive fubdivifions, will afford a happy 
iflue to the experiment. 

37. li is well wdrth a fair and full experiment. With fuch 
powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts 
of our country, while experiment mall not have demonftra- 
ted its impracticability, there will always be reafon to dif- 
truft the patriotifm of thole, who, in any quarter may en- 
deavor to weaken its bands. 

38. In contemplating the claufes which may difturb our 
union, it occurs as a matter of ferrous concern, that any 
ground mould be furniihed for character! ling parties, by 
geographical discriminations — northern and Juvthetn — Atlantic 
and wjiern ; whence designing men may excite a belief,. 
that there is a real difference of local interefts and views. 

39. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, 
within particular di liners, is to mifreprefent the opinions and 
aims of other diitricts. You cannot fhield yourfelves too 
much again!! the jealoulies and heart burnings which fpring 
fi >m thefe mifreprefentations ; they tend to lender alien to 
each other thofe who ought to be bound together by frater- 
nal affection. 

40. The inhabitants of our wefcern country have lately 
had a ufeful leiibn on this head : they have feen, in the ne- 
gociation by the executive, and in die unauimous ratifica- 
tion by the fenate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the uni- 
verfal fatisfaction at that/ event, throughout the United 
States, a decifive proof how unfounded were the fufpicions 
propagated among them, of a policy in the general govern- 
ment,^ and in the Atlantic Rates unfriendly to their interefts 
in regard to the Miffifippi ; 

41. They have been witneffes to the formation of two 
treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which 
fecure to them every thing they could defire, in refpect to 
our foreign relations, towards confirming their prolperity. 

42. Will it not be their wifdom to rely for the preferva- 
tion of thefe advantages on the union by which they were 
procured ? Will they npt henceforth be deaf to thofe advi- 
iers, if fuch they are, who would fever them from their 
brethren, and connect them with aliens ? 

43. To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a 



TETE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

•rnment for the whole is indifpeniable. No all 
jver fcrict, between the parts can be an adequate 
tute ; they will inevrta ffl infractions and in- 

terruptions which all alliances in ail times have experienced. 
Seniib'ie of th ; s momentous truth you have impro- 
ved on your fr.it eflay, by the adoption of a conltitutior. 
government better calculated than your former for an m 
mate union, and for the eilicacious n 
common cone 

45. Tiii- government, the offspring of your own choice, 
fluenced and unawed, \ on full 

mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in 
distribution of its powers, uniting fecurity with energy, and 
containing within itfeif a provihon for its own amendment, 
has a juft claim, to your con.i inport. 

46. ftefped for its authority, compliance with its lav 
acquiefcence in its meai ures, are duties enjoined by the fun- 
damental maxims of true liberty. The b;. r politi- 
cal fyftems is the right of the people to m. to alter 
their constitutions of government. 

47. But, the conititution which at any time exhls till 
changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole p 
pie, is fa c red, obligatory on all. The- I of the pow- 
er and the right of the people to eitablilh government, pre- 
fuppofes the duty of every individual to obey the eitabliihei 
government. 

48. All obitructions to the execution of the laws, all 
combinations and aifociations, under whatever plauiible char- 
acter, with the real delrgn to direct, control, counteract or 
awe the regular deliberation and action of the comntuted 
authorities, are deitructive of this fundamental principle, 
and of fatal tendency. 

49. They ferve to organize faction, to give it af artific- 
ial and extraordinary force — to put in the place of the dele- 
gated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a fmall 
but artful and enterpriiing minority of the community ; 

50. And, according to the alternate triumphs of differ- 
ent parties, to make the public adminiifration die mirror of 
the illconcerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather 
than the organ of dbnfiftent and A ne plans digeiled 
by common councils \ i by mutual intereils. 



56 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

51. However combinations or a/Tociations of the above 
defcription, may now an J then anfwer popular ends, tHey 
are likely in the courfe of time and things, to become potent 
engines, by which canning, ambitious and unprincipled 
men, will be enabled to fubvert the power of the people, 
and to ufurp for themfelves the reins of government ; des- 
troying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them 
to unjuft dominion. 

52. Towards the prefervation of your government, and 
the permanency of your prefcnt happy (late, it is requifite, 
not only that you fteadily discountenance irregular opp 'li- 
tion to its acknowledged authority, but alfo that you reiift 
with care, the fpirit of innovation on its principles, however 
ipecious the pretexts. 

53. One method of aflault may be to effect in the forms 
of the conftitution, alterations which will impair the energy 
of the fyftem, and thus to undermine what cannot be di- 
rectly overthrown. 

54. In all the changes to which you may be invited* 
remember that time and habit are at leaft as neceifary to fix 
the true character of government, as of other human infti- 
tutions ; 

55. That experience is the furefl ftandard, by which to 
tefb the real tendency of the exifting conititution of a coun- 
try — that facility in changes on the credit of mere hypoth- 
ecs and opinion, expofes to perpetual change, from the end- 
lefs variety of hypothefis and opinion ; 

56. And remember, efpecially, that for the efficient 
management of your common intereit, in a country ib ex- 
teniive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is con*- 
fiitent with the perfect iecurity of liberty, is indifpenfable. 
Liberty itfelf will find in fuch a government, with powers 
properly diftributed and adjufted, its furefl: guardian. 

57. It is, indeed, little elfe than a name, where the gov- 
ernment is too feeble to withstand the enterprifes of faction, 
to confine each member of the fociety within the limits pre- 
fcribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the fecure and 
tranquil enjoyment of the rights of perfon and property. 

58. I have already intimated to you, the danger of par- 
ties in the ftate, with particular reference to the founding of 
them on geographical difcriminations. Let me now take 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 57 

a more comprehenfive view, and warn yon in the moll {(,]- 
emn manner againft: the baneful effe&s of the fpirit of par- 
ty, generally. 

.59. This fpirit, unfortunately, is infeparable from our 
nature, having its root in the icrongeic paffions of the hu- 
man mind. It exifts under different fliapes in all govern- 
ments ; more or lefs itifled, comroled, or repreifeJ ; hut in 
thofe of the popular form, it is feen in its greater! ranknefs, 
and is truly their word enemy. 

60. The alternate domination of one faction over an- 
other, fliarpened by the fpirit of revenge, natural to party 
diflention, which in different ages and countries has perpe- 
trated the moil horrid enormities, is itielf a frightful defpc- 
tifm. 

61. But tills leads at length to a more formal and per- 
manent defpotifm. The diforders and miferies, which re- 
fult, gradually incline the minds of men to feek fecurity and 
repofe in the abfolute power of an individual ; 

62. And fooner or later the chief of fome prevailing 
faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, 
turns this difpoMtion to the purpofes of his own elevation, 
on the ruins of public liberty. 

63. Without looking forward to an extremity of this 
kind (which, neverthelefs ought not to be entirely out 
of fight) the common and continual mifchiefs of the lj 

of party are fufficient to make it the intereil and duty of a 
wife people to difcourage and reftrain it. 

64. It ferves always to diftracl the public Is and 
enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the commu- 
nity with ill founded jealouiies and faile alarms ; kj# 
the animofity of one part again ft another, foments, occa- 
fionally, riot and inunrection. 

65. It opens the door to foreign influence and corrup- 
tion, which fmd a facilitated accefs to the government it- 
ielf through the channels of part] . Thus the pol- 
icy and will of one country are lubjecled to the policy and 
will of another. 

66. There is an c pinion that parties in free countries are 
ufeful checks on the administration of the government, and 
ferve to keep alive the fpirit of liberty. This within certain 
limits is probably true, and in governments of a monarch?- 



58 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

al cafl, patriotifm may look with indulgence, if not with 
favor on the fpirit of party. 

67. But in thofe of the popular character, in govern- 
ments purely elective, it is a fpirit not to be encouraged. 
From their natural tendency it is certain there will always 
be enough of that fpirit for every falutary purpofe. 

68. And there being conftant danger of excefs, the ef- 
fort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and 
arTuage it. A fire not to be quenched ; it demands uniform 
vigilance to prevent its burfting into a flame, left, inftead of 
warning, it mould confume. 

69. It is important likewife, that the habits of thinking 
in a free country, fhould infpire caution, in thofe entrufted 
with its administration, to confine themfelves within their 
refpecrive conftitutional fpheres, avoiding in the exercife of 
the powers of one department to encroach on another. 

70. The fpirit of encroachment tends to confolidate the 
powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, 
whatever the form of government, a real defpotifm. A juil 
eftimate of that love of power, and pronenefs to abufe it # 
which predominates in the human heart, is fufficient to fat- 
isfy us of the truth of this pofition. 

71. The necefTity of reciprocal checks in the exercife of 
the political power ; by dividing and diltributing it into dif- 
ferent depofitories, and conftituting each die guardian of the 
public weal, againft invafions by the others, has been evin- 
ced by experiments ancient and modern ; fome of them in 
our country and under our own eyes. 

72. To preferve them muft be as necerTary as to inflitute 
them. If, in the opinion of the people, the diftributicn or 
modification of the conititutional powers be in any particu- 
lar wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way 
winch the conftitution defi senates. 

73. But let there be no change by ufurpation ; for 
though this, in one in fiance, may be the fnftrument of good, 
it is the cuftomary weapon by which free governments are 
deilroyed. The precedent muft always greatly overbalance 
in permanent evil any partial or traniient benefit which the 
ufe can at any time yield. 

7 k Of all the difpofitions and habits which lead to po- 
litical profperity, religion and morality are indifpenfable fup- 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 59 

ports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patri- 
ot ifm, who would labor to fubvert thefe great pillars of hu- 
man happinefs, thefe firmed props of the duties of men and 
citizens. 

75. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, 
ought to refpeft and to cherifh them. A volume could not 
trace all their connections with private and public felicity. 
Let it fimply be afked, where is the fecurity for .property, 
for reputation, for life, if the fenfe of religious obligation 
deftrt the oaths which are the inflruments of invert igation in 
courts of juflice \ 

76. And let us with caution indulge the fuppofition, 
that morality can be maintained without religion. What- 
ever may be conceded of the influence of refined education 
on minds of peculiar ftructure ; reafon and experience both 
forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in ex- 
clufion of religious principle. 

77. It is fubftantiall/ true, that virtue or morality is a 
neceflary fpring of popular government. The rule, indeed, 
extends with more or lefs force, to every fpecies of free gov- 
ernment. Who, that is a fmcere friend to it, can look with 
indifference on attempts to fhake the foundation of the 
fabric ? 

78. Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, 
inftitutions for the general diffuiion of knowledge. In pro- 
portion as the ftruclure of a government gives force to pub- 
lic opinion, it is eilential that public opinion fhould be en- 
lightened. 

79. As a very important fource of flrength and fecuri- 
ty, cherifh public credit. One method of preferving it, is 
to ufe it as fparingly as poffible ; avoiding occafions of ex- 
penfe by cultivating peace, but remembering alio, that time- 
ly difburfements to prepare for dangers, frequently prevent 
much greater difburfements to repel it ; 

80. Avoiding, likewife, the accumulation of debt, not 
only by fhunning occafions of expenfe, but by vigorous ex- 
ertions in time of peace to difcharge the debts which una- 
voidable wars may have occafioned, not ungeneroufly throw- 
ing on pofterity the burthen which we ourfelves ought to 
bear. The execution of thefe maxims belongs to your rep- 
resentatives, but it is neceiTary that public opinion fhould co- 
©perate. 



60 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

81. To facilitate to them the performance of their du- 
ty, it is eifential that you mould practically bear in mind that 
towards the payment of debts there muft be revenue ; that 
to have revenue there muft be taxes ; and none can be de- 
vifed which are not more or lefs inconvenient and unpleaf- 
ant ; 

82. That the mtrinfic embarr ailment infeparable from 
the felectlon of the proper objects (which is always a choice 
of difficulties) ought to be a deciiive motive for a candid 
conftruction of the conduct of the government in making it, 
and for a fpirit of acquiescence in the mealures for obtain- 
ing revenue which the public exigences may at any time 
dictate. 

83. Obferve good faith and juftice towards all nations ; 
cultivate, peace and harmony with all. Religion and mo- 
rality enjoin this conduct ; and can it be, that good policy 
does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, en- 
lightened, and (at no diftant period) a great nation, to 
give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example 
of a people always guided by an exalted juftice and benev- 
olence. 

84-. Who can doubt that in the courfe of time and 
things, the fruits of fuch a plan would richly repay any 
temporary advantages which might be loft by a Ready ad- 
herence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected 
the permanent felicity of a nation with virtue ? The exper- 
iment, at leait, is recommended by every fentiment which 
ennobles human nature. Alas, is it rendered imporTible by- 
its vices ? 

85. In the execution of fuch a plan, nothing is more 
effential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies againft 
particular nations, and paffionate attachments for others 
ihouid be excluded ; and that in the place of them, juft and 
amicable feelings towards all mould be cultivated. 

86. The nation which indulges towards another an ha- 
bitual hatred, or an habitual fondnefs, is in fome degree a 
llave. It is a flave to its animofity or its affection, eidier 
of which is fufficient to lead it aitray from its duty and its 
intereft. 

87. Antipathy in one nation againft 'another, difpofes 
each more readily to offer infult and injury, to lay hold of 



THI? PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 61 

flight caufes of umbrage, and to be haughty and untracea- 
ble, when accidental or trifling occafions of difpute occur. 

88. Hence frequent collifions, obflinate, envenome- 
bloody contefts. The nation, prompted by ill will and re- 
fentment, fometimes impels to war the government, contra- 
ry to the bell calculations of policy. The government 
fometimes participates in the national propenfity, and adopts 
through pailion, what reafon would reject ; 

89. At other times, it makes the animofity of the na- 
tion fubfervient to projects of hoflility mitigated by pride, 
ambition, and other finifter and pernicious motives. The 
peace often, fometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has 
been the victim. 

90. So likewife, a paffionate attachment of one : 
for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for 
favorite nation, facilitating the illufion of an imagi 
common intereil, in cafes where no real common intereft ex- 
ills, and infilling into one the enmities of the other, bet: 
the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of 
the latter, without adequate inducement or j n ft iri cation. 

91. It leads, alio, to conceilions to the favorite iv. 
of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to ir. 
the nation making the concefiions ; by unneceflarily parti 
with what ought to have been retained ; and by exciting 
jealoufy, ill will, and a difpofition to retaliate, in the par- 
ties from whom equal privileges are withheld : 

92. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted or delude, 
izens (who devote themielves to the favorite nation) facili- 
ty to betray, or facrifice the interefts of their own country, 

.without odium, fometimes even with popularity ; gilding 
with the appearances of a virtuous fenfe of obligation a 
commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable 
zeal for public good, the bafe or foolilh compliances of am- 
bition, corruption, or infatuation. 

93. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable 
ways,^ fuch attachments are particularly alarming to the tru- 
ly enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor- 
tunities do they afford to tamper with domeftic tactions, to 
practice the arts of fedudion, to miflead public opinion, to 
nfluence or awe the public councils ; fuch an attachment o/ 

F 



62 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

a fmall or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, 
dooms the former to be the fatellite of the latter. 

94 Againft the infidious wiles of foreign influence (1 
conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealoufy of 
a free people ought to be conftantly awake : fince hiftory and 
experience prove that foreign influence is one of the molt 
baneful foes of republican government. 

95. But that jealoufy, to he ufeful muft be impartial ; 
elfe it becomes the inflrument of the very influence to be a- 
voided, inftead of a defence againft it. Exceffive partiality 
for one foreign nation, and excefllve diflike of another, caule 
thofe whom they afluate to fee danger only on one lide, and 
ferve to veil and even fecond the arts of influence on the 

' 96. Real patriots, who may refill the intrigues of the fa- 
vorite, are liable to become fufpedted and odious ; whUe its 
tools and dupes ufurp the applaufe and confidence ot the 
people, to furrender their interefts. 

97 The great rule of conduct for us in regard to tor- 
«gn nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to 
have with them as little political connexion as poffible. bo 
far as we have already formed engagements, let them be 
fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us flop. 

98. Europe has a fet of primary mterefts, which, to us 
have none, or a very remote relation. Hencefh > muft be 
encased in frequent controverhes, the caules of which are 
Sally foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore it 
muft be unwife in us to implicate ourfelves, by artificial ties, 
TLora "ary viciffitudes of her politics, or the ordinary 
combinations and collifions of her friendflnps or enmities. 

90 Our detached and diftant f.tuation, mvites and ena- 
bles us to purfue a different courfe. If we remain one peo- 
5c under an efficient government, the period ,s not far off, 
^vhen we may defy material injury from external annoy- 

""TOO. When we may take fuch an attitude a, ; will caufe 
the neutrality, we may at any time refolye on, to be icru 
pulonfly refp'e'cled ; when belligerent ««™V™g^£: 
Lffibility of making acquifitions onus, will not lightly haz 
Ld the giving us provocation ; when we may choofe pe.ce 
or war, ? i o£ hJreft, guided by juftice, fhall counfel. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 63 

101. Why forego the advantages of fo peculiar a fitua- 
n ? Why quit our own to (land on foreign ground ? Why, 

by interweaving our deftiny with that of any part of Eu- 
rope, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of Eu- 
ropean ambition, rivalfhip, intereft, humor, or caprice ? 

102. 'Tis our true policy to freer clear of permanent al- 
liances, with any portion of the foreign world ; fo far, I 
mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for Let me not be 
underftood as capable of patronizing infidelity to drifting 
engagements. 

103. I hold the maxim no lefs applicable to public than 
to private affairs, that honefty is always the heft policy. I 
repeat it, therefore, let thofe engagements be obferved in 
their genuine fenfe. But in my opinion, it is unneceffary, 
and would be unwife to extend them. 

104. Taking care always to keep ourfelves, by fuitable 
eftablifhments, on a refpeclable defenfible pofture, we may 
fafely truft to temporary alliances for extraordinary emer- 
gencies. 

105. Harmony, liberal intercourfe with all nations, are 
recommended by policy, humanity and intereft. But even 
our commercial policy, fhould hold an equal and impartial 
hand ; neither fend ; ng nor granting exclufive favors or pref- 
erences ; confulting the natural courfe of things ; diffufmg 
and diversifying by gentle means the dream of commerce, 
but forcing nothing ; 

106. Eftablifiiing, with powers fo difpofed, in order to 
give trade a liable courfe to define the rights of our mer- 
chants, and to enable the government to fupport them ; 
conventional rules of intercourfe, the ben: that prefent cir- 
cumitances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporarv, 
and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as 
experience and circumitances mail dictate ; 

107. Conitantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one 
nation to look for difmterelted favors from another ; that it 
mult pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it 
may accept under that character ; 

108. That by fuch acceptance, it may place itfeif in the 
condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, 
and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving 
more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or caU 



6i THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

culate, on real favors from nation to nation. 'Tis an ilkt- 
fion which experience mull cure, which a jufl pride -ought 
to difcard. 

109. In oiFering to you, my countrymen, thefe counfels 
of an affectionate friend., I dare not hope they will make 
the flrong and lading impreilion I could wifh ; that they 
will control the ufual current of the paffions* or prevent ow: 
nation from running the courfe which has hitherto marked 
the deftiny of nations : 

110. But if I may even flatter myfelf, that they may 
be productive of fome partial benefit, ibme occasional good ; 
that they may now and then, recur to moderate the fury of 
party fpirit ; to warn againft the mifchiefs of foreign in- 
trigue, to guard againft the impoftures of pretended patri- 

. otifm ; this hope will be a full recompenfe for the folicitude 
for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. 

111. How far in the difcharge of my official duties, I 
have been guided by the principles which have been deline- 
ated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct 
muft witnefs to you and to the world. To myfelf, the af- 
furance of my own confcience is, that 1 have at lead believ- 
ed myfelf to be guided by them. 

112. In relation to the fcill fub filling war in Europe, my 
proclamation of the twenty-fecond of April, one thoufand 
feven hundred and ninety-five, is the index to my plan. 
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your 
reprefentatives in both houfes of congrefs, the fpirit of that 
meafure has continually governed me ; uninfluenced by a- 
ny attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

113. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the 
bed Kghts I could obtain, I was well fatisfied that our coun- 
try, under all the circumftances of the cafe, had a right to 
take, and was bound in duty and intereft to take a neutral 
pofition. Having taken uv 1 determined, as far as ihould 
depend on me, to maintain it, with moderation. 

114. The confederations w T hich refpect the right to hold 
this conduct, it is not neceffary on this occafion to detail 
I will only obferve, that according to my underftanding of 
the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of 
the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

J 15. The duty of holding a neutral condu-ct may be in* 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 65 

ferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which 
juftice and humanity impofe on every nation, in cafes in 
which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of 
peace and amity towards other nations. 

116. The inducements of intereft for obferving that 
conduct will bed be referred to your own reflections and ex- 
perience. With me, a predominant motive has been to en- 
deavor to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its 
yet recent inllitutions, and to progrefs, without interruption, 
to that degree of itrength and confiflency, which is neceifa- 
ry to give it, humanly fpeaking, the command of its own 
fortr. 

1 1 7. Though in reviewing the incidents of my admin- 
. I am inconfcious of intentional error : Pajii nevr 

erthelefs too fenfible of my defects not to think it probable 
I may have committed many errors. Whatever they 
may be, I fervently befeech the Almighty to avert or miti- 
gate the evils, to which they may tend. 

1 18. I ihall, alio, carry with me the hope that my coun- 
try will never ceafe to view them with indulgence ; and that 
after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its fervice, with 
an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be 
coniigned to oblivion, as myfelf muil foon be to the man- 
fions cf red. 

] 19. Relying on its kindnefs in this as in other things, 
and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is fo 
natural to a man who views in it the native foil of himfelf 
and progenitors for feveral generations ; 

\ l 2<). I anticipate with pleating expectation that retreat, 
in which I promise myfelf to realize, without alloy, the fweet 
enjoyment of partaking, in the midft of my fellow citizens, 
. rluence of good laws under a free government, 
the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward 
as I truft, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

United States, 17th September, H96* 



F2 



66 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

Gen. Washington's Acceptance of the 

Command of the Army under President Adams. 

Mount Vernon, 13//j July, 1798. 

1. Dear Sir — I HAD the honor on the evening of the 
eleventh inftant, to receive from the hand of the fecretary of 
war, your favor of the feventh, announcing that you had, 
with the advice and confent of the fenate, appointed me 
" Lieutenant general and commander in chief of all the ar- 
mies raifed, or to be raifed for the fervice of the United 
States/' 

2. I cannot exprefs how greatly affected I am at this 
new prdftf of public confidence, and the highly flattering 
manner in which you have been pleafed to make the com- 
munication ; 

3. At the fame time I mufl not conceal from you my 
earned wilh, that the choice had fallen on a man lefs de- 
stined in years, and better qualified to encounter the ufual 
viciffitudes of war. 

4. You know, fir, what calculation I have made rela- 
tive to the probable courfe of events, on my retiring from 
office, and the determination I had conibled myfelf with, of 
clofing the remnant of my days in my prefent peaceful a- 
bode ; 

5. You will therefore be at no lofs to conceive and ap- 
preciate the fenfations I mud have experienced, to bring my 
mind to any conclufion that would pledge me, at fo late a 
period of life, to leave fcenes I fincerely love, to enter on 
the boundlefs field of public action, inceflant trouble, and 
high refponfibility. 

6. It was net poffible for me to remain ignorant of, or 
fodiffereflt to, recent transactions. The conduct of the di- 
rectory of France towards our country — their infidious hos- 
tility to its government — their various practices to withdraw 
the affections of the people from it — the evident tendency of 
their acts and thofe of their agents, to countenance and in- 
vigorate oppofition — their difregard of folemn treaties and 
the laws of nations — their war on our defencelefs commerce 
— their treatment of our minifters of peace, and their de- 
mands, amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in me, 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 67 

correfponding fentiments with thofe my countrymen have fo 
o-enerally expreifed in their affectionate addreifes ro you. 

7. Believe me, fir, no one can more cordially approve 
of the wife and prudent meafures of your adminiitvadon. 
They ought to inipire univerfal confidence, and will, no 
doubt, combined with the itate of thmgs, call from* con- 
grefs fuch laws and means as will enable you to meet the 
full force and extent of the crifis. 

8. Satisfied, therefore, that you have fmcerely wiihed 
and endeavored to avert war, and exhauded, to 

drop, the cup of reconciliation, we can with pureheartb- 
peal to heaven for the juftice of our cauie ; and may c< 
dently truft the final refult to that kind Providence who has 
heretofore, and fo often, fignaliy favored the people cf theie 
United States. 

9. Thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent 
it is upon every perfon, of every defcription, to contriL 

at all times to his country's welfare, and efpecially, in a mo- 
ment like the prefent, when every thing we hold dear and 
iacred, is fo ferioufly threatened ; 

10. I have finally determined to accept the commiiTion 
of commander in chief cf the armies of the United States ; 
with the referve only, that I mall not be called into the E 
till the army is in a fituation to require my prefence, oi 
becomes indifpenfable by the urgency of circumstances. 

11. In making this refervation, I beg it to be ni 
flood, that I do not mean to withhold any aiiiitance to ar- 
range and organize the army, which you may think I can 
afford. 

12. I take the liberty alio to mention that I muf: decline 
having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any 
immediate charge upon the public, or that I can receive any 
emoluments annexed to the appointment, before entering 
into a fituation to incur expenfe. 

13. The fecretary of war being anxious to return to the 
feat of government, I have detained him no longer than 
was neceifary to a full communication on the feveral points 
he had in charge. With very great refpecf, I have the hon- 
or to be, &c. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
John Adams, prefident of the United States. 



€8 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

Extract from General Henry Lee's Ora- 
tion on the Death of General Washington. 

1. THE annunciation of thefe feelings, in his affecting 
letter to the prefident, accepting the command of the army, 
concludes his official conduct. 

2. Fir ft in war — fir ft in peace — and fir ft in the hearts of 
his countrymen, he was iecond to none in the humble and 
•endearing icenes of private life ; pious, juft, humane, tem- 
perate and fincere ; uniform, dignified, and commanding, 
his example was as edifying to all around him, as were the 
effects of that example lafting. 

3. To his equals he was condefcending, to his inferiors 
kind, and to the dear object of his affections, exemplai ily 
tender ; correct throughout, vice fhuddered in his preience, 
and virtue always felt his foftering hand ; the purity of his 
private character gave effulgence to his public virtues. 

4. His laft icene comported with the whole tenor of his 
life — Although in extreme pain, not a figh, not a groan ef- 
caped him ; and with undifturbed' ferenity he clofed his 
well fpent life. Such was the man America has loft — fuch 
was the man for whom our nation mourns. 

5. Methinks I fee his auguft image, and hear falling 
from his venerable lips thefe deep finking words : " Ceafe, 
ions of America, lamenting our feparation : Go on, and 
confirm by your wifdom the fruits of your joint councils, 
joint efforts, and common dangers : reverence religion ; 
diffufe knowledge throughout your land ; patronize the 
arts and fciences ; let liberty and order be infeparable com- 
panions. 

6. Control party fpirit, the bane of free government ; 
obferve good faith to, and cultivate peace with all nations ; 
fhut.up every avenue to foreign influence ; contract rather 
than extend national connection ; rely on yourfelves only ; 
be Americans in thought, word, and deed. 

7. Thus will you give immortality to that union, which 
was the conftant object of my terreftrial labors ; thus will 
you preferve undifturbed to the lateft pofterity, the felicity 
of a people to me moft dear ; and thus will you fupply (if 
my happinefs is now aught to you) the only vacancy in the 
round of pure blifs high heaven beftows." 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 69 



Extract from the Condolence of the Sen- 
ate of the United States. 

1 . WITH patriotic pride we review the life of our Was h- 
i-ngton, and compare him with thofe of other countries 
who have been pre-eminent in fame. Ancient and modern 
names are diminidied before him. Greatnefs and guilt have 
too often been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brill- 
iant. The deftroyers of nations Rood abafhed at the ma- 
jefty of his virtues. 

2. It reproved the intemperance of their ambition, and 
darkened the fplendor of victory. The fcene is clofed, and 
we are no longer anxious left misfortune mould fully his 
glory ; he has travelled to the end of his journey, and car- 
ried with him an increafmg weight of glory : he has depos- 
ited it fafely, where misfortune cannot tarnif h it, where mal- 
ice cannot blaft it. 

3. Favored of heaven, he departed without exhibiting 
the weaknefs of humanity ; magnanimous in death, the 
darknefs of the grave conld not obfcure his brightnefs. 

4. Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to 
God, his glory is confummated ; Washington yet lives on 
earth in his fpotlefs example — his fpirit is in heaven. 

5. Let his countrymen confecrate the memory of the he- 
roic general, the patriotic itatefman, and the virtuous (age ; 
let them teach their children never to forget that the fruits of 
his labors, and his example, are their inheritance. 



Extract from Dr. Wharton's Sermon on 

the Death or Gen. Washington. 

1. WHEREAS the tranfcendent accornplifhments and 
unparalleled traniaclions of our great deliverer, ftand re- 
corded on the pages of multiplied hiftory, and are become 
even already the objects cf admiration and applauie among 
all civilized nations. Well, therefore, may I be excufed 



70 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

from entering on a detail fo familiar to every fon and daugh- 
ter of America ; fo familiar to the univerfe ; 

2. Well may I be excufed from attempting to throw 
any additional luftxe on the brilliancy of that character, 
which for fo many years has fwelled the fweeteft notes of the 
trumpet of fame, and, borne on the wings of unadulterat- 
ed glory, has exhibited to mankind the firft great fpectacle 
of the mod exalted heroifm accompanied with dove-like 
modefry ; of the mod indefatigable patriotifm untainted 
with feliifhnefs — of the foft irradiations of genuine magna- 
nimity and greatnefs, eclipfmg the obtrufive glare of pride, 
and effectually opprefiing the fwell of arrogance and pre- 
fumption. 

3. At the grand and foothing idea, that this greateft in- 
ftance of human perfeclability, this confpicuous phenome- 
non of human elevation and grandeur, fhould have been 
permitted to rife firft on the horizon of America, every 
citizen of thefe ftates mud feel his bofom beat with raptur- 
ous and honeft pride, tempered with reverential gratitude 
to the great author and fource of all perfection. 

4. He will be penetrated with aftonifhment, and kindled 
into thankfgiving, when he reflects that our globe had exift- 
ed fix thoufand years befoie a Wafhington appeared on the 
theatre of the world ; and that he was then deftined to ap- 
pear in America — to be the ornament, the deliverer, the 
protector, the delight ! ! ! 

5. But alas ! he is now no longer among us ; he is gone, 
to his death bed, inclofed in the filent tomb ; and all that is 
now left us, is " like all Ifrael, to make great lamentation 
for him, and to mourn many days, faying, how is the val- 
iant man fallen that delivered Ifrael. " 

G. My brethren, had the character of Wafhington reli- 
ed folely on the bafis of military achievements, and politi- 
cal fagacity ; had the vait fabric of his immortal reputation 
been fupported merely by the hollow columns of univerfal 
applaufe, and perfumed with no other fweets than the in- 
cenie of adulation, proffered by the wayward multitude to 
merit, often as falfe as it is glaring ; 

7. Had the virtues of the man been ftained by the vices 
of the hero, or the chriftian difappeared amidit the preten- 
fions of the philofcpher, w r ith whatever delight you might 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 71 

have liftened to his panegyrifts in other places, you would 
have heard no tribute paid to his memory in this. The tem- 
ple of God is not defigned to difplay the importance and 
falcination of human glory and pre-em>nance, but rather to 
exhibit the tranfient glory and emptinefs of both. 

8. And yet, O hojy and divine religion ! who prefideft 
within thefe walls, I truft it will be deemed no violation of 
thy fanctuary to have juft hinted at the genuine glory and un- 
paralleled pre-eminence of character which adorned the 
great deliverer and beloved father of our country. 

9. His refpect for thee, was uninterrupted and fincere. 
In private and in public, his conduct and converfation were 
marked with an awful reverence for thy truths and ordinan- 
ces ; nothing profane ever dropt from his lips ; nothing ir- 
religious ever appeared in his behavior ; to Providence he 
afcribed all his iuccefs and his glory ; 

10. He depoiited all his laurels at the foot of the altar, 
and the affectionate addreffes of his fellow-citizens, joined 
with the applaufes of diltant nations, inftead of fwelling his 
great foul with the fumes of vain glory, feemed only to de- 
prefs every fenfe of felf-fufficiency, and rivet more firmly 
his confidence in the Almighty. 

11. In his laft pathetic addrefs to his country, he bears 
open and ample teftimony to the fanctions of revelation ; 
and aifures us all, that without religion, neither the wifdom 
of laws, nor the precepts of morality will be able to preferve 
a ftate from deftruction. 

12. Let this fentiment, my hearers, reft permanently on 
our minds. It is the important legacy of our beloved 
Wafhington, calculated to promote our worldly and eternal 
happineis ; and I truft that he now enjoys the blelfed effects 
of its adoption. And now let us, from the death of this 
good and wonderful man, endeavor to learn wifdom. 

13. A View of his life muft fill every citizen with afton- 
ifhment, veneration and love — while his death conveys the 
moft affecting leilbns to a chriftian. Let us prefume to fol- 
low his difembodied foul into the depths of eternity. There 
he now is alone with his God. 

14. What a fudden revolution takes place in all his fen- 
timents and ideas ! What avails him now, that he lived a 
iblitary example of uninterrupted admiration and worldly 



72 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

prosperity ; that he reigned in the aiFeeYions of every virtu- 
ous heart ; that his memory is honored by the tears of 
own and diftant nations ;, 

1.5. The painter, the fculptor, the hiftorian and the po- 
et, fhall vie with each other in conveying to future ages the 
benign traits of his countenance, the majeflic fymmetry of 
his perfon, the fair features of his expanded mind, and the 
fair fame of his achievements ; 

16. What avails him now, that the mod enlightened 
ftrangers from the European world, croffed the vaft Atlan- 
tic, to behold the Jofhua and the Solomon of America ; 
that mighty veffels, and towns, and cities, and provinces, 
bear his name ! a name that feems to combine whatever is 
good, and great, and amiable among men ! Alas ! neither 
this mighty name, nor all the events that now agitate the 
earth, are any thing to him. 

17. The vail extent of eternity now difplayed before his 
eyes ; his evejrlaftmg defliny in a new Mate of exiftence ; the 
realities of the eternal world opened on his view, fix all the 
attention and abforb all the faculties of his immortal fpirit — 

IB. Thrice happy, I trull, to have learned from the 
bleiled religion, which he profeflfed and refpedted, that all 
thefucceffes and difgraces of this traniitory ftate, when not 
referred to God, are little elfe than empty dreams ; that 
tl*ere is no real happincls or mifery but in eternity. 

19. Thefe are ieffons which our divine religion had de- 
livered to the venerable and beloved father of our country : 
it was his happinefs to believe them : the veil is now rent 
afunder ; and I doubt not but this great benefaclor of man- 
kind, is actually perceiving, feeling, and approving them, 
in the bofom of the Eternal. 

20. And we my hearers, fhall very foon perceive thefe 
truths and approve them alio. A few days perhaps, but 
certainly a few- years, will put a period to our mortal exifl- 
ence. But were our lives to be protracted even through a 
feries of ages, yet ftil) the longefl life would be only a mo- 
ment, when meafure'd upon the fcale of eternity ; 

21. The duration of the loftieft cedar on Liban; 
not lefs contracted and precarious, than that of the humble 
ihrub that grows in its fhade. The whole of man feems 
to be, " to be born and to /Be." The fpace that intervenes 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 73 

between thefe terms of his mortality is fo very fhort, that it 
appears to be juft nothing. 

22. Genius, opulence, fame, authority and reputation ; 
all the gifts and treafures of nature and of fortune, arc ev- 
idently contained in a fmall veffel of clay ; which no foon- 
er falls, than it is broken in pieces, and its fcattered frag- 
ments lie ufelefs on the ground. 

23. My hearers, let us accuftom ourfelves to think, as 
we fhall think in eternity ; to judge as we (hall then judge. 
Happy, thrice happy, the venerable fage and patriot, whofe 
death we now lament, that in life he regarded God as the 
fovereign mafter ; religion as the fovereign law ; the hap- 
pinefs of eternity as the fupreme object, that mould interefl 
his affections. 

24. To us, O Lord, it belongs not to penetrate into the 
depths of thy judgments ; and well we know that human 
virtues, the mod refplendent and fublime, can entitle no 
man to the benefit of falvation. From thy pure mercy on- 
ly can this grace be derived. 

25. This we trull has been extended to our beloved fath- 
er, and protector. Though a conquering warrior, he de- 
lighted in peace ; and therefore we confider he is nov? called 
a child of God : — With juftice and humanity he judged his 
Ifrael ; and therefore we humbly hope that he alio has been 
judged according to the abundance of thy mercy. 



Extract from Mr. Ames' Oration on the 
Death of General Washington. 

1. WHEN Washington heard the voice of his coun- 
try in diftrefs, his obedience was prompt ; and though his 
facrifices were great, they coft him no effort. Neither the 
object nor the limits of my plan, permit me to dilate on the 
military events of the revolutionary war. 

2. Our hiftory is but a tranfeript of his claims on our 
gratitude. Our hearts bear teftimony, that they are claims 
lot to be fatisfied, When overmatched "by numbers ; a fu- 
rtive, with a little bajid of faithful foldiers : the ftates as 

G 



74 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

much exhaufted as difmayed ; he explored his own undaunt- 
ed heart, and found there refources to retrieve our affairs. 

3. We have feen him difplay as much valor as gives 
fame to heroes, and as confummate prudence as enfures fuc- 
cefs to valor ; fearlefs of dangers that were perfonal to him ; 

"hefitating and cautious, when they affected his country ; 
preferring fame before fafety or repofe ; and duty, before 
fame. 

4. Rome did not owe more to Fabius, than America to 
Wafhington. Our nation fhares with him the fingular glo- 
ry of having conducted a civil war with mildnefs, and a 
revolution, with order. 

5. The event of that war fcemed to crown the felicity 
and glory both of America and its chief. Till that con- 
teft, a great part of the civilized world had been furprifing- 
ly ignorant of the force and character, and almoft of the 
exiftence, of the Britiih colonies. 

6. They had not retained what they knew, nor felt cu- 
riofity to know the ftate of thirteen wretched fettlements, 
which vaft woods enclofed, and ftill vafter woods divided 
from each other. They did not view the colonics fo much 
a people, as a race of fugitives, whom want, and fotitude, 
and intermixture with the ravages, had made barbarians. 

7. Great-Britain, they faw, was elate with her vido- 
ries : Europe flood in awe of her power : her arms made 
the thrones of the molt powerful unfteady, and ditturbed 
the tranquillity of their ftates, with an agitation more ex- 
tenfive than an earthquake. As the giant Enceladus is fa- 
bled to lie under Etna, and to fhake the mountain when he 
turns his limbs, her hoftility was felt to the extremities of 
the world. . 

8. It reached to both the Indies ; in the wilds or Afri- 
ca, it obftruded the commerce in flaves ; the whales, find- 
ing, in time of war, a refpite from their purfuers, could 
venture to fport between the tropics, and did not flee, as in 
peace, to hide beneath the ice-fields of the polar circle. 

9. At this time, while Great-Britain wielded a force not 
inferior to that of the Roman empire under Trajan, fudden- 
ly, aftonifhed Europe beheld a feeble people, till then un- 
known, ftand forth, and defy this giant to die combat. It 
was fo unequal, all expeded it would be fhort. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. U 

10. The events of that war were fb many miracles, that 
attracted, as much perhaps as any war ever did, the won- 
der of mankind. Our final fuccefs exalted their admiration 
to its higheft point ; they allowed to Wafhington all that is 
due to tranfeendent virtue, and to the Americans more than 
is due to human nature. 

] 1. The peace of America hung by a thread, and fac- 
tions were already fharpening their weapons to cut it. The 
project of three feparate empires in America was beginning 
to be broached, and the progrefs of licentioufnefs would 
have foon rendered her citizens unfit for liberty in either of 
them. 

12. An age of blood and mifery would have punifhed 
our difunion ; but thefe were not the confi derations to deter 
ambition from its purpofe, while there were fo many cir- 
cum Ranees in our political fituation to favor it. 

13. At this awful crifis, which all the wife fo much 
dreaded at the time, yet which appears, on a retrofpecl, fo 
much more dreadful than their fears ; fome man was want- 
ing, who pofTefled a commanding power over the popular 
paffions, but over whom thofe paffions had no power. That 
man was Wafhington. 

14. His name, at the head of fuch a lift of worthies as 
would reflect honor on any country, had its proper weight 
with all the enlightened, and with almoft all the well difpof- 
ed among the lefs informed citizens, and, bleifed be God ! 
the conftitution was adopted. 

. 15. Although it was impoflible that fuch merit as Wafh- 
ington' s fliould not produce envy, it was fcarcely poflible 
that, with fuch a tranfeendent reputation, he fhould have 
rivals. Accordingly, he was unanimouily chofen prefident 
^ of the United States. 

16. As a general and a patriot, the meafure of his glo- 
ry was already full : there was no fame left for him to ex- 
cel but his own ; and even that tafk, the mightieil of all 

* his labors, his civil magiftracy has accomplifhed. 

17. No fooner did the new government begin its aufpic- 
ious courie, than order feemed to arife out of confufion. 
The governments of Europe had feen the old confedera- 
tion finking, fqualid and pale, into the tomb, when they 
beheld the new American republic rife fuddenly from the 



76 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 






ground ; and, throwing off its grave clothes, exhibiting 
the ftature and proportions of a young giant, refrefhed with 
fleep. 

18. Commerce and induftry awoke, and were cheerful 
at their labors ; for credit and confidence awoke with them. 
Every where was the appearance of profperity ; and the 
only fear was, that its progrefs was too rapid, to coniiil 
with the purity and fimplicity of ancient manners. 

19. The cares and labors of the prefident were incef- 
fant : his exhortations, example and authority, were em- 
ployed to excite zeal and activity for the public fervice : 
able officers were felected, only for their merits ; and fome 
of them remarkably diftinguiflied themfelves by their fuc- 
cefsful management of the public bufmefs. 

20. Government was adminiftered with fuch integrity, 
without myftery, and in to profperous a courfe, that it 
feemed to be wholly employed in ads of beneficence. 

21. However his military fame may excite the wonder 
of mankind, it is chiefly by his civil magiftracy, that his 
example will inftruct them. Great generals have arifen in 
all ages of the world, and perhaps mod in thofe of defpo- 
tifm and darknefs. In times of violence and convulfion, 
they rife, by the force of the whirlwind, high enough to 
ride in it, and direct the florm. 

22. Like meteors, they glare on the black clouds with a 
fplendor, that, while it dazzles and terrifies, makes nothing 
vifible but the darknefs. The fame of heroes is indeed 
growing vulgar : they multiply in every long war : they 
ftand in hiltory, and thicken in their ranks, almoft as un- 
diftinguiflied as their own foldiers. 

23. But fuch a chief magiftrate as Wafliington, ap- 
pears like the pole ftar in a clear iky, to direct the fkilful 
itatefman. His prefidency will form an epoch, and be dif- 
tinguifhed as. die age of Wafliington. Already it afiumes 
its high place in the political region. 

24. Like the milky way, it whitens along its allotted 
portion of the hemifphere. The latefi: generations of men 
will furvey, through the telefcope of hiltory, the fpace 
where fo many virtues blend their rays, and delight to iep- 
arate them into groups and diftin<ft virtues. 

25. As the bell illuftration of them — the living menu* 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 77 

merit, to which the firfl of patriots would have chofen to 
confign his fame* — it is my earned prayer to heaven, that 
our country may fubfift, even to that late day, in the plen- 
itude of its liberty and happinefs, and mingle its mild glo- 
ry with Washington's. 



President Adams' Message to Congress on 

soliciting Mrs. Washington's assent to the mode 
of interring the remains of Gen. Washington. 

1. GENTLEMEN of the fenate, and gentlemen of the 
houfe of reprefentatives, — in compliance with the requeft in 
one of the refolutions of congrefs of the twenty-firft of De- 
cember laft, I tranfmitted a copy of thofe refolutions by 
my fecretary, Mr. Shaw, to Mrs. Washington, afluring her 
of the profound refpect. congrefs will ever bear to her per- 
fon and character ; of their condolence in the late afflicting 
difpenfation of Providence, and intreating her affent to the 
interment of the remains of general George Washington, 
in the manner exprelTed in the firft refolution. 

2. As the fentiments of that virtuous lady, not lefs be* 
loved by this nation, than fhe is at prefent greatly afflicted, 
can never be fo well expreffed as in her own words ; I 
tranfmit to congrefs her original letter. 

3. It would be an attempt of too much delicacy, to 
make any comments on it, but there can be no doubt, 
that the nation at large, as well as all the branches of the 
government, will be highly gratified by any arrangement. 
which may diminilh the facrifice fhe makes of her individu- 
al feelings. 

JOHN ADAMS, 
United States, Jan. 8, 1 800, 



G % 



78 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

Mrs. WASHINGTON'S LETTER. 

Mount Vernon, December 31, 179& 

1. SIR — While I feel with keeneft anguifh, the late dif- 
penfations of Divine Providence, I cannot be infenfible to 
the mournful tributes of refpect and veneration, which are 
paid to the memory of my dear deceafed hufband ; and, as 
his beft fervices and moil anxious wilhes, were always devo- 
ted to the welfare and happinefs of his country, to know 
that they were truly appreciated, and gratefully remember- 
ed, affords no inconfiderable confolation. 

2. Taught by the great example, which I have fo long 
had before me, never to oppofe my private wifhes to the 
public will, I muft conient to the requeft made by congrefs, 
which you have had the goodnefs to tranfmit me ; and in 
doing this I need not, I cannot fay, what a facrifice of in- 
dividual feeling I make to a fenfe of public duty. 

3. With grateful acknowledgments and unfeigned thanks 
for the perfonal reipect and evidences of condolence exprelf- 
ed by congrefs and yourielf ; I remain very refpectfully, fir, 
your moft obedient and humble (errant, 

MARTHA WASHINGTON. 
Tfhe prefident cf the United States. 



Reflections on the Liberties of the Unit- 
ed States. 

1. UNACQUAINTED with the flate of fociety here, 
Europe law with wonder, the fpirit of freedom unconquer- 
able in America : rifmg, the more it fuffered, the more fu- 
perior to all the attempts of the wiled and mofl powerful 
nation of Europe. 

2. The minifters of Britain at that time, were men of 
great eminence and abilities, in managing bufinefs, on the 
European fyftem : but they had no ideas of the itate of 
things in America, or of a fyftem in v/hich nature and foci- 
ety had combined to produce and to preferve freedom. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 79 

3. What they called rebellion, was only the tendency of 
nature and fociety towards freedom, made more active 
their oppofition. Miftaktng the came, they perpetua 
miftook in their meaiures : and what could not have hap- 
pened from any other caufe but total miftake, it was their 
lingular ill fortune never to judge right, either through de- 
fign, or by miftake. The reuilt was the natural effect of 
thing?. 

4. It did not partake of the nature of miracles, of the 
extravagant fpirit of chivalry, or of the madnefs of relig- 
ious or political enthuiiafm. It was nothing more than 
natural effect, of natural caufes. 

5. Freedom, for a century and a half, had been the 
conftant product and effect, of the ftate of fociety in 
Britifh colonies : and wnen the decifive trial was to be made, 
this ftate of fociety produced its natural effect ; — a firm, 
fteady, unabating, and unceafing conteft, which could not 
admit of any other period, but the total deftruction, or 
complete eftablilhment of freedom. 

6. No other caufe but that which firft produced the free- 
dom of America, will prove fufficient to : and pre- 

.e it. It is in the ftate of fociety that civil freedom 
its origin, and fupport. The effect can never be more pure 
or perfect, than the caufes from whence it ; and all 

thofe caufes terminate in the ftate ; dition of the f 

pie. 

7. The form of government by which the public buii- 
nefs is to be done, a bill of rights to afcertain the juft claims 
of the people, a conftitution to direct and reftrain the 1c 
lature, a code of laws to guide and direct the executive au- 
thority, are matters of high importance to any people ; and 
are juftly efteemed among the wiieft productions, of ancient 
or modern times. 

8. But no people ought to expect that any thing of this 
nature will avail to fecure, or to perpetuate their liberties. 
Such things are confequences, not the caufes ; the eviden- 
ces, not the origin of the liberties of the people. 

9. They derive their whole authority and force, from 
the public fentiment ; and are of no further avail to fecure 
the liberties of the people, than as they tend to exprefs, to 
form, and to preferve the public opinion. If this alters and 



80 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

changes, any bill of rights, any conftitution or form of go\ - 
ernment, and law, may eafily be fet afide, be changed, or 
be made of none effect. 

10. For it will never be dangerous for the government 
of any people, to make any alterations or changes, which 
the public opinion will either allow, juftify, or iupport. 
Nor ought "any people to expect, that their legiilators or 
governors will be able to prelerve their liberties, for a long 
period of time. Any body of men who enjoy the pov 
and profits of public employments, will unavoidably wiili 
to have thofe profits and powers increafed. 

11. The difficulties they will meet with in the execution 
of their office, the unreafonable oppofition that will be made 
by many to their wifeft and beft mcafures, and the conftant 
attempts to difplace them, by thofe whofe only aim and wifh 
is tofucceed them ; fuch things, joined with a natural love 
of power and profit, will not fail to convince all men in 
public employments, that it would be beft for the publk 
put more confidence and power in them. 

12. While they thus wifh and aim to increafe and 
ftrength to their own powers and emoluments, thofe pov 
and emoluments will be called the powers and the dignity 
of government. It may be doubted whether men are much 
to blame, for wifhing and aiming at that, which their fili- 
ation and employment naturally lead to. The effect feems 
to be univcrfal. 

13. It has ever been the cafe that government has had 
an univerfal tendency, to increafe its own powers, revenues 
and influence. No people ought to expect that things will 
have a different tendency among them : that men will ceafe 
to be men, or become a more pure and perfect order of be- 
ings, becaufe they have the powers of government commit- 
ted to them. 

14. On what then can the people depend, for the fup- 
port and prefervation of their rights and freedom ? On no 
beings or precautions under heaven, but themfelves. The 
fpirit of liberty is a living principle. It lives in the minds, 
principles, and fentiments of the people. 

15. It lives in their induftry, virtue, and public fenti- 
ment : or rather it is produced, preferred, and kept alive, 
by tht flate of fociety. If the body of the people fhall lofe 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 81 

their property, their knowledge, and their virtue, their 
greateft and mod valuable bleffings are loft at the fame 
time. 

16. With the lofs of thefe, public fentiment will be cor- 
rupted : with the corruption of the public fentiment, bills 
of rights, conftitutions written upon paper and all the vol- 
umes of written lav/, will lofe their force, and utility. 

1 7. Their government will immediately begin to change : 
and when the people have thernfelves loft the caufe, the prin- 
ciple, and the fpirit of freedom, they will no longei be ca- 
pable of a free government : they are better fuited for the 
reftraints of ariftocracy, or what is far better, for the regu~ 
lations of monarchy. The conftitutions and the laws of 
fuch a people, will no more preferve their freedom, than 
the tombs and the cofrlns of Montefquieu and Franklin, will 
retain their abilities and virtues. 

18. Ye people of the United States of America, behold 
here the precarious foundation on which ye hold your liber- 
ties. They reft not on things written on paper, nor on the 
virtues, the vices, or the defigns of other men, but they 
depend on yourfelves ; on your maintaining your property, 
your knowledge, and your virtue. Nature and fociety have 
joined to produce, and to eftablifh freedom in America. 

19. You are now in the full pofTeftion of all your nat- 
ural and civil rights ; under no reftraints in acquiring 
knowledge, property, or the higheft honors of your coun- 
try ; in the molt rapid ftate of improvement, and popula- 
tion ; with perfect freedom to make further improvements 
in your own condition. 

20. In this ftate of fociety, every thing is adapted to 
promote the profperity, the importance, and the improve- 
ment of the body of the people. But nothing is fo eftab- 
liflied among men, but that it may change and vary. If 
you fhould lofe that fpirit of induftry, of economy, of 
knowledge, and of virtue, which led you to independence 
and to empire, then, but not till then, will you lofe your 
freedom : preferve your virtues, and your freedom will be 
perpetual ! 



82 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 



Extract from Governor Tomkins' S; 

ON THE NATURE OF PUNISHMENT FOR CRIMES. 

1. It has not probably efcaped your obfervation, that 
on the eighth day of March laft, a Ihw was parted inflicl 
death for a crime which antecedently fnbjecred the 

to impriibnment in the (late prifon fur life, and authorihng 
whipping ibr petit larceny. 

2. It has been juftly obferved that punifhments mild, 
fpeedy and certain, are the means beft calculated to anfwer 
the end of criminal jurifpiudence, that they ought always 
to be proportioned to the crime — and that the reformation 
as well as the punifhment of the offender, ought to be con- 
ftantly and fteadily kept in view. 

3. The fpirit of fieedom, the dictates of humanity, and 
the principles of chriitian'ty, require that the awful penalty 
of death mould be inflicted as feldom as poffible. The 
fcene of diftrefs and agony exhibited at an execution, nat- 
urally excites an averfion to the laws which fanction fuch. 
feverity. 

4. Punifhments will alfo be more certain, when mode- 
rate and rational. Becaufe, thofe who are beft able to 
prove the guilt, or who may be moft materially affected 
by the crime, will then feel no reluctance, nay will cheer- 
fully perform the duty of detecting and expofing every of- 
fender. 

5. The jury will be lefs anxious to feize on fpecious 
doubts to juftify an acquittal, and but a feeble hope of ef- 
caping the fentence of the law, by technical objections to 
matters of form, or by executive clemency, will be enter- 
tained. Befides, by fubftituting imprifonment at hard la- 
bor, fociety is relieved from the painful refponfibility of 
fending one of its members fuddenly and perhaps unpre- 
pared to the tribunal of his God. 

6. The fruits of his labor enure to the benefit of com- 
munity or his family ; the regimen of the prifon prech.. 
gambling, idlenefs and debauchery, the ufual preludes to 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 83 

greater enormities ; and that difcipline united with the re- 
IJp-ious exercifes of the inflitution, afford to the mod char- 
itable and philanthropic mind, at lean: a glimmering hope 
of ultimate repentance and reformation. 

7. ImprelTed with a decided opinion that the depriva- 
tion of life is feldom neceflary, and that it is incompatible 
with the genius of a free government, and the (late of civ- 
ilization and refinement of which we boaft, I am conftrain- 
ed by a fenfe of duty to fugged the abfolute neceflky of 
forbearance to extend that punifhment to other crimes than 
thofe of treafon and murder. 

8. With refpecl: to whipping, for petit larceny, I would 
remark, that there are various reafons which might be af- 
figned in favor of confinement at hard labor in preference 
to corporal pains. By the former, the offender is deprived, 
for a period, at leaft, of an opportunity of repeating his 
crime, whilft in the latter cafe, he is forthwith difcharged 
to renew his depredations. 

9. A term of temperance, labor, and privation, af- 
fords a hope of amendment : while on the other hand, rea- 
fon and experience abundantly teflify that no fuch reforma- 
tion can be wrought by the agonies of a lacerated body ; 
for the publicity and ignominy of the punifhment flifle 
every remnant of pride and ambition, and deflroy the 
profpect of ev^r regaining a character. 

10. I might alfo add, that the frequent exhibition of 
cruel and fanguinary punifhments wounds the fenfibility of 
the humane, and corrupts the difpofition, and depraves the 
morals of a great proportion of the fpectators. With def- 
erence, therefore, I fubmit to your wifdom the propriety of 
totally exploding corporal chaftifement from our criminal 
fyftem. 

11. There is much reafon to believe that the prevalence 
of crimes of a deeper dye, are too often the refult of im- 
punity for offences of an inferior grade. Although the 
legiflature have, by a variety of ftatutes, enacted numer- 
ous regulations to prevent practices of an immoral and 
dangerous tendency, and which are generally the com- 
mencement of a career of more iniquitous and criminal 



84 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

conduct — and although the provifions of thofe ftatutes are 
daily and notorioufly violated, yet the inftances in which 
they are enforced, are aftoniihingiy rare. 

12. The fecurity with which one law is publicly infring- 
ed, not only creates an expectation of fimilar impunity for 
the violation of others, but alfo produces a contempt of the 
laws generally. Your wifdom will determine whether fome 
more fuitable meafures ought not to be devifed to enfure 
their obfervance. 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 



President Jefferson's Inaugural Speech. 

1. FRIENDS and fellow citizens, — Called on to under- 
take the duties of the firft executive office of our country, I 
avail myfelf of the prefence of that portion of my fellow 
citizens which is here affembled to exprefs my grateful 
thanks for the favor with which they have been pleafed to 
look towards me, to declare a fmcere confcioufnefs that the 
talk is above my talents, and that I approach it with thofe 
anxious and awful prefentiments which the greatnefs of the 
charge, and the weaknefs of my powers fo juftly infpire. 

2. A rifmg nation, fpread over a wide and fruitful land, 
traverfmg all the feas with the rich productions of their in- 
duftry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power 
and forget right, advancing rapidly to deflinies beyond the 
reach of mortal eye ; 

3. When I contemplate thefe tranfcendent objects, and 
fee the honor and happinefs, and the hopes of this beloved 
country committed to the iffue and the aufpices of this day, 
I fhrink from the contemplation, and humble myfelf before 
the magnitude of the undertaking. 

4. Utterly indeed mould I defpair did not the prefence 
of many, whom I here fee, remind me, that in the other 
high authorities provided by our conftitution, I fhail find re- 
fources of wifdom, of virttie, and of zeal, on which to re- 
ly under all difficulties. 

5. To you, then gentlemen, who are charged with the 
fovereign functions of legiflation, and to thofe aiibciated 
with you, a I look with encouragement for that guidance and 
fupport which may enable us to fleer with fafety the veffel 
in which we are all embarked, amidft the conflicting ele- 
ments of a troubled world. 

6. During the conteft of opinion through which we have 
paft, the animation of difcuffions and of exertions has fome- 
times worn an afpect which might impofe on ftrangers un- 
ufed to think freely, and to fpeak and to write what they 
think ; but this being now decided by the voice of the na- 
tion, announced according to the rules of the conftitution, 
all will of courfe arrange themfelves under the will of the 
law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. 

H 



86 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

1 

*7. All too will bear in mind this facred principle, that 
though the will of the majority is in ail cafes to prevail, that 
will, to be rightful, muft be reafonable ; that the minority 
poffefs their equal rights, which equal laws mutt protect, 
and to violate which would be oppreffion. 

8. Let us then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart 
and one mind ; let us reftore to focial intercourfe that har- 
mony and affection without which liberty, and even life it- 
ielf, are but dreary things. And let us reflect, that having 
banifhed from our land that religious intolerance under 
which mankind fo long bled and fuffered, we have yet gain- 
ed little, if we countenance a political intolerance, as des- 
potic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody per- 
fecutions. 

9. During the throes and convulfions of the ancient 
world, during the agonizing fpafms of infuriated man, feek- 
ing through blood and (laughter his long loft liberty, it was 
not wonderful that the agitation of the billows fhould reach 
even this diftant and peaceful fhore ; that this ihould be 
more felt and feared by fome, and lei's by others ; and 
iliould divide opinions as to meafures of fafety ; but every 
difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. 

10. We have called by different names brethren of the 
fame principle. We are all republicans : w r e are all feder- 
alists. If there be any among us who would wifh to di£. 
folve this union, or to change its # republican form, let them 
ftand undifturbed as monuments of the fafety with which 
error of opinion may be tolerated, where reafon is left free 
to combat it. 

11. I know indeed that fome honeft men fear that a re- 
publican government cannot be ftrong ; and that^ this gov- 
ernment is not ftrong enough. But would the honeft pat- 
riot, in the full tide e£ iuccefsful experiment, abandon a 
government which has fo far kept us free and firm, on the 
theoretic and vifionary fear, that this government, . the 
world's beft hope, may, by poflibility want energy to pre- 
ferve itfelf : I truft not. 

12. I believe this, on the contrary, the ftrongeft gov- 
ernment on earth. I believe it the only one, where every 
man, at the call of the law, would fly to the ftandard of 
the 1 iw, and would meet invafions of the public order as 
liis own perfonal concern. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 87 

13. Sometimes ft is faid that man cannot be trufted with 
the government of himfelf. Can he then be trufted with 
the government of others ? Or have we found angels in the 
form of kings to govern them ? Let hiilory anfwer this 
queftion. 

M. Let us then, with courage and confidence pnrfue 
our own federal and republican principle ; our attachment 
to union and representative government. Kindly feparated 
by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc 
of one quarter of the globe*; 

15. Too high minded to endure the degradations of the 
others, pofleffing a chofen country, with room enough for 
our defendants to the thoufandth generation, entertaining 
a due fenfe of our equal right to the ufe of our own facuf- 
ties, to the acquifition of our own induftry, to honor and 
confidence from our fellow citizens, refulting not from birth 
but from our actions and their fenfe of them, enlightened 
by a benign religion, profeifed indeed and praclifed in vari- 
ous forms, yet all of them inculcating honelty, truth, tem- 
perance, gratitude and the love of man, acknowledging 
and adoring an over-ruling providence, which by all its 
difpenfations proves that it delights in the happinefs of man 
here and his greater happinefs hereafter ; 

16. With all thefe bleffings, what more is necellary to 
make us a happy and a profperous people ? Still one thing 
more, fellow citizens, a wife and frugal government, which 
fliall reftrain men from injuring one another, fhall leave 
them otherwife free to regulate their own purii-its of induf- 
try and improvement, and fhall not take from the mouth of 
labor the bread it has earned. This is the ium of ^ood gov- 
ernment ; and this is neceifary to clofe the circle of our fe- 
licities. 

17. About to enter, fellow citizens, on the exercife of 
duties which comprehend every thing dear and valuable to 
yjDu, it is proper you fhould underftand what I deem the ef- 
fential principles of our government, and confequently thofe 
which ought to fhape its adminiftration, I will compreis 
them within the narrowed compafs they will bear, ilatmcr 
the general principles, but not all its limitations. 

18. Equal and exaft juftice to all men, of whatever 
ftate or periuafion, religious or political :— peace, commerce, 



88 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

and honeft friendlhip with all nations, entangling alliances 
with none : — the fupport of the ftate governments in all 
their rights, as the moil competent adminiftrations for our 
domeftic concerns, and the fureft bulwarks againft anti re* 
publican tendencies : — 

19. The prefervation of the general government in its 
whole constitutional vigor, as the flieet anchor of our peace 
at home, and fafety abroad : a jealous^are of the right of 
election by the people, a mild and fafe corrective of abufes 
which are lopped by the fword of revolution where peacea- 
ble remedies are unprovided ; 

20. Abfolute acquiefcence in the decifions of the major- 
ity, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal 
but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of 
defpotifm : a well difciplined militia, our bell reliance in 
peace, and for the firft moments of war, till regulars may 
relieve them : the fupremacy of the civil over the military 
authority : — 

21. Economy in the public expenfe, that labor may be 
lightly burthencd : — the honeft payment of our debts and 
facred prefervation of the public faith : encouragement of 
agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid : the difFu- 
fion of information, and arraignment of all abufes at the 
bar of the public reafon : — 

22. Freedom of religion ; freedom of the prefs ; and 
freedom of perfon, under the protection of the habeas cor- 
pus :— and trial by juries impartially feletfed. Theie prin- 
ciples form the bright conftellation, which has gone beiore 
us, and guided our fteps through an age of revolution and 
information. 

23. The wifdom of our fages, and blood of our heroes, 
have been devoted to their attainment :— they mould be the 
creed of our political faith ; the text of civic initrudion, 
the touchftone by which to try the fervices of thofe we truft ; 
and mould we wander from them in moments of error or 
alarm, let us haften to retrace our fteps, and to regain the 
road which alone leads to peace, liberty and fafety. 

2k I repair then, fellow citizens, to the poft you h::- 
affigned roe! With experience enough in fubordinate offices 
to have feen the difficulties of this the greateft of all, Ih 
learnt to exped that it will rarely foil to the lot of in 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 89 

man to retire from this ftation with the reputation, and the 
favor, which bring him into it. 

2.5. Without pretentions to that high confidence you re- 
pofed in your firft and greateft revolutionary character, 
whofe pre-eminent fervices had entitled him to the firft place 
in his country's love, and deftined for him the faireft page 
in the volume of faithful hiftory, I alk fo much confidence 
only as may give firmnefs and effect to the legal adminift ra- 
tion of your affairs. 

26. I fhall often go wrong through defect of judgment. 
When right, I fhall often be thought wrong by thofe whofe 
potitions will not command a view of the whole ground. I 
afk your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be 
intentional, and your fupport againft the errors of others, 
who may condemn what they would not if feen in all its 

• parts. 

27. The approbation implied in your fufFrage, is a great 
confolation to me for the paft ; and my future folicitude will 
be to retain the good opinion of thofe who have be ft owed 
it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all 

i the good in my power, and to be inftrumental to the happi- 

•nefs and freedom of sSl. 

- 28. Relying then on the patronage of your good will, 
I advance with obedience to the work, ready to letire from 
it whenever you become fentible how much better choices it 
is in your power to make. And may that infinite power, 
which rules the deftinies of the univerfe, lead our councils 
to what is bell, and give them a favorable iifue for your 
peace and profperity. THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

United States, March 4, 1801. 



President Madison's Inaugural Speech. 

1. UNWILLING to depart from examples, of the 
moft revered authority, I avail myfelf of the occation now 
prefented, to exprefs the profound impreflion made on me 
by the call of my country to the ftation, to the duties of 
which I am about to pledge myfelf, by the moft folemn of 
functions. 

H 2 



90 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

2. So diftinguifhed a mark of confidence proceed;, 
from the deliberate and tranquil fufFrage of a free and vir- 
tuous nation, would under any circumftances, have de- 
manded my gratitude and devotion — as well as rilled me 
with an awful fenfe of the trull to be affirmed. 

3. Under the various circumftances which give peculiar 
folemnity to the exifting period, I feel that both the honor 
and the refponfibility allotted to me, are inexpreffibly en- 
hanced. 

4. The prefent fituation of the world is indeed without 
a parallel ; and that of our country full of difficulties. The 
preifure of thefe too, is the more feverely felt, becaufe they 
have fallen on us at a moment when national profperity be- 
ing at a height not before attained, the contraft refulting 
from the change^ has been rendered the more ftrrking. 

5. Under the benign influence of our republican inftitu- 
tions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations, whilft 
fo many of them were engaged in bloody and wafteful wars, 
the fruits of a juft policy were enjoyed in an unrivalled 
growth of our faculties and refources; 

6. Proofs of this were letm in the improvements 
riculiure ; in the fuccefsful enterprizes of commerce ; in the 
progrefs of manufactures and ufeful arts ; in the increafe of 
the public revenue, and the ufe made of it in reducing the 
public debt ; and in the valuable works and eftabliihments I 
every where multiplying over the face of our land. 

7. It is a precious reflection that the tranfition from this I 
prosperous condition of our country, to the fcene which has 
for ibme time been diftrefling to us, is not chargeable on any I 
unwarrantable views, nor, as I truft, on any involuntary er- 
rors, in the public councils. 

8. Indulging no paflions which trefpafs on the rights or 
the repofe of other nations, it has been the true glory of the 
United States to cultivate peace by obierving juftice, and to 
entitle themfelves to the refpe<ft of the nations at war, by 
fulfilling their neutral obligations, with the moft fcrupulous 
impartiality. If there be candor in the world, the truth of 
thefe affertions will not be queftioned. Posterity at lead will 
do juftice to them. 

9. This unexceptionable courfe could not avail againfl 
the injuftice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 91 

re againft each other, or impelled by move direcl motives, 
principles of retaliation have b2e\\ introduced, equally con- 
trary to univerfal reafon and acknuwl edged law. 

10. How long their arbitrary ill be continued in 
fpite of the demonstrations, that not even a pretext for 
them has been given by the United States, and of fair and 
liberal attempts to induce a revocation of them, cannot be 
anticipated. 

11. Alluring myfelf that under every vicifntude, the 
determined fpirit and united councils of the nation will be 
fafeguards to its honor and its eifential intereits, I repair to 
die pod affigned me, with no other difcouragement than 
whatfprings from my own inadequacy to its high duties. 

12. If I do not fink under the weight of this deep con- 
viction, it is becaufe I find fupport in a conicioulheis of the 
purpofes, and a confidence in the principles, which I bring 
with me into this arduous fervice. 

13. To cheriih peace and friendly intercourfe with all 
nations, having correfpondent difpofitifcns ; — to maintain 
fmcere neutrality towards belligerent nations ; to prefer in 
all cafes amicable difcuflion, and reafonable accommodation 
of differences, to a decifion of them by an appeal to arms ; 

14. To exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, 
fo degrading to all countries, and lb baneful to free ones ; 
to foiter a fpirit of independence, too juft to invade the 
rights of others ; too proud to furrender our Own ; too lib- 
eral to indulge unworthy prejudices ourfeives, and too ele- 
vated not to look down on them in others ; 

1 .5. To hold the union of the if ates as the bafis of their 
peace and happinefs ; to fupport the conftitution which is 
the cement of the union, as well in its limitations, as in its 
authorities ; 

16. To refpeel die rights and authorities referved to the 
ftates and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and 
eifential to the fuccefs of the general fyitem, to avoid die 
flighted interference widi the rights of confeience, or the 
functions of religion fo wifely exempted from civil jurifdic- 
tion ; 

17. To preferve in their full energy the other falutary 
provifions in behalf of private and peribnal rights, and of 
the freedom of the prefs ; to obferve economy in public ex- 



92 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

penditures ; to liberate the public refources by an honora> 
ble difcharge of the public debts ; to keep within the requi- 
site limits a fcanding military force, always remembering, 
that an armed and trained militia is the firmed bulwark of 
republics ; 

18. That Without (landing armies their liberty can nev- 
er be in danger ; nor with large ones fafe : to promote by 
authorifed means improvements friendly to agriculture, to 
manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce ; 
to favor, in like manner, the advancement of fcience and 
the dlirufion of information, as the belt aliment to true lib* 
crty ; 

1 9. To carry on the benevolent plans, which have been 
fo mejritoriouily applied to the conversion of our aboriginal 
neighbors from the degradation and Wietchednefs of fav; 
life, to a participation of the improvements of which the 
human mind and manners are fufceptible in a civilized date. 
As far as fentiments and intentions inch as theie can aid the 
fulfilment of my duty, they will be a reiburce which can- 
not fail me. 

20. It is my good fortune moreover t '.\e path in 
which I am to tread, lighted by examples of illullrious fer- 
vices, fuccefsfuily rendered in the mod trying difficulties by 
thofe who have marched before me. Of thofe of my im- 
mediate predeceffon it might lead become me here to fpeak. 

21. I may however be pardoned for not fuppre fling the 
fympathy with which my heart is full, in the rich reward 
he enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, greatly 
bellowed for exalted talents, zealoufly devoted through a 
long career, to the advancement of its highed intereil and 
happinefs. 

22. But the fource to which I look for the aids, which 
alone can fupply my deficiencies, is in the well tried intelli- 
gence and virtue of my fellow citizens, and in the councils 
of thofe reprefenting them in the other departments, afToci- 
ated in the care of the national intereft. In thefe my con- 
fidence will, under every difficulty, be bed placed ; 

23. Next to that which we have all been encouraged to 
feel in the guardianfhip and guidance of that Almighty Be- 
ing, whofe power reg^ates the deiliny of nations — whofe 
bleflings have been fo confpicuoufly difpenfed to this riling 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 93 

republic, and to whom we are bound to addrefs our devout 
gratitude for the paft, as well as our fervent fupplications 
and bed hopes for the future. JAMES MADISON. 

Wafhington, March 4, 1809. 



On Education in New-England. 

* 1. AMONG the cuftoms which are univerfal among 
the people, in all parts of the ftate, one that feems worthy 
of remark, is, the attention that is paid to the education of 
children. 

% The aim of the parent, is not fo much to have his 
children acquainted with the liberal arts and fciences ; but 
to have them all taught to read with eafe and propriety ; to 
write a plain and legible hand ; and to have them acquaint- 
ed with the rules of arithmetic, fo far as mail be necelTary 
to carry on any of the moft common and neceilary occupa- 
tions of life. 

3. All the children are trained to this kind of knowl- 
edge : they are accuftomed from their earlieft years to read 
the holy fcriptures, the periodical publications, newfpapers, 
and political pamphlets ; to form fome general acquaint- 
ance with the laws of their country, the proceedings of the 
courts of juftice, of the general aifembly of the ftate, and 
of the congrefs. 

4. Such a kind of education is common and univerfal 
in every part of the ftate : and nothing would be more dif- 
honorable to the parents, or to the children, than to be 
without it. One of the firfl things the new fettlers attend 
to, is to procure a fchoolmafter to inftruct their children in 
the arts of reading, writing, and arithmetic. 

5. No greater misfortune couid attend a child, than to 
arrive at manhood unable to read, write, and keep fm all 
accounts : he is viewed as unfit for the common bufinefs of 
the towns and plantations, and in a (late greatly interior to 
his neighbors. Every confideration joins to prevent fo de- 
graded and mortifying a ftate, by giving to every one the 
euflomary education, and advantages. 



84 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

6. This cuftom was derived from the. people of New* 
England ; and has acquired greater force in the new fettle- 
ments, where the people are apprehenfive their children will 
have lefs advantages, and of confequence, not appear equal 
to the children in the older towns. 

7. No cuftom was ever better adapted to private, or 
public good. Such kind of education and knowledge, is of 
rnore advantage to mankind, than all the fpeculations, dis- 
putes, and diftincHons, that rrietaphyfics, logic, and fcho- 
iaftic theology, have ever produced. 

8. In the plain common good fenfe, promoted by the 
one, virtue, utility, freedom, and public happinefs, have 
their foundations. In the itfelefs fpeculations produced by 
the other, common fenfe is loft, folly becomes refined, and 
the ufeful branches of knowledge are darkened, and forgot* 



On Religious Toleration. 

1. RELIGION is one of thofe concerns, which will al- 
ways have great influence on the ftate of fociety. In our 
original frame and conftitution, the benevolent Author of 
our natures, has made us rational and accountable crea- 
tures : accountable to ourfelves, to our fellow men, and to 
our God. 

2. Thefe foundations of religion, are fo ftrong, and uni- 
verfal, that they will not fail to have aq effect on the con- 
duct of every one : and while they thus enter into the feel- 
ings and conduct of all the members, they will unavoida- 
bly have a great influence on the ftate and conduct of fo- 
ciety. 

3. Nor can fociety either fet them afide, or carry on the 
public bufmefs without them. Inftead of this, in one form 
or another, fociety will be perpetually calling in the aids of 
religion. 

4. When human declarations and evidence are to receive 
their higheft -force* and moft folemn form, or when the moft 
important tranfactions are to be performed, and offices of 
tlie higheft truft and confequence are committed to men, the 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 95 

appeal will be to religion, in the form of folemn affir- 

;on or oath. 

. The mod pure and benevolent fyftem of relio-ion, 

:h has ever prevailed among men, is that of chriftiani- 
ty. This religion, founded in truth, and adapted to the na- 
ture and ftate of man, has propofed for its end and aim, 
that which is of the higheft importance to men and to foci- 
ety, univerfal benevolence, the love of God and man, or 
univerfal virtue. 

But neither this, nor any other fyftem of moral truth* 
can impart infallibility to men. Whatever infallibility there 
may be in moral, in mathematical, or in revealed truths, 
men may greatly miftake when they come to explain, and 
apply them : 

7. And inftead of being above all poffibility of error, 
will rind that infallibility belongs only to the govern- 
ment of God ; and that k certainly is not entailed on any 
parties, or denominations of men. 

8. The firft and the mod important obligation any man 
can feel, is to obey his Maker, and the dictates of his own 
heart. The peace of our minds depends more eifentially 
on this, than any other circumftance in the courfe of human 
lire 

9. ^ What then has fociety to do in matters of religion, 
but fimply to follow the laws of nature : to adopt thefe, 
and no other ; and to leave to every man a full and perfect 
liberty, to follow the didates of his own confcience, in all 
his tranfactions with his Maker ? 



On Love to God. 

l.O GOD, thou art love itfelf ! The book of nature, 
and the book of revelation teach this truth ; and my heart- 
that heart which thou haft formed to love thee, and which 
thou haft made capable of tafting this exquifite pleafure— 
WflJ not permit me to doubt it. 

2. Thou art the origin and fource of all the variety of 
beauties and perfections that are difperfed throughout the 



96 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

earth ! All that is great and amiable unite in thee, 
will, and to do good — this is thy divine effence. Thou re- 
gardeft all the beings thou haft formed with paternal affec- 
tion. Thou takeft care of them : thou doeft them good. 

3. All that comes from thee, O thou Supreme ! all that 
proceeds from thy hand, good and evil, pleafure and pain, 
profperity and adverfity, favors and chadifements, all tend 
to promote our felicity, all are adapted to exalt us to great- 
er perfection. 

4. I myfelf, who am fo inconfiderable a creature, who 
am as nothing when compared witli the reft of thy creation, 
I can every moment draw comfort fiom this inexhaudible 
fource. In what intimate relations do I to thee ? 
Thou art my Creator — I am the work of thy hands. Thou 
art my Sovereign, and I am thv iubjedr. Thou art my Fa- 
ther, and I am thy child. 

5. Can I be connected with thee by dronger and I 
Oiidearing ties ? Can any thinj laim to all the 
affections of my heart than theie natural and indiilbluble re- 
lations give ? And art thou not tlie kindeft, the moft boun- 
tiful, the tendered and m< tionate Father ? Am I not 
indebted to thee, for life and and all thine 

6. How various and gi the gifts and benefits 
which thou haft heaped on n. hich thou dill contin- 
ued to bedow ! All that I am, all lhat I all that I 
am capable of being, is the effect of thy munificence. Thy 
bounty provides for the wants of my body and my foul. 

7. With how many ads r antages, comforts, pleafures, 
and joys, haft thou drewed my path ? What affidancc c 
thou grant to my weaknefs, with what indulgence dod thou 
bear with my fins, and with what tender folicitude dod 
thou recal me from my wanderings. With what wifdom 
dod thou conduct and direct, my lot, and all that (hall be- 
fal me. 

8. But how can I fpeak of the unmerited and inedimable 
tokens of thy love which thou had given me by Jefus Chrid, 
through whom thou had taught me to hope for the forgive - 
nefs of fins, the aids of thy fpirit, and everlading life. 

9. Yes, O my God, thou art eilentially bountiful and 
good, and wilt be fo forever. I find myfelf as much fur- 
rounded with thy rnercies as I am w ; th the light wHch 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 97 

'dunes around me. I have daily experience that to do good 
and to blefs is thy eternal employment. 

10. And (hall I not love thee with all my heart, and 
foul, and mind, and ftrength ? Shall not the idea of thy 
exiftence and amiable attributes become the moil natural, 
and moil delightful and confoling idea I am capable of 
forming. 

1 1 . Can I think of thee, O my God — of thee who art 
my Creator, my Benefactor, my Father, as well as of all 
other beings — without experiencing the moft delightful fat- 
isfaction, without feeling the molt lively tranfports of grat- 
itude and joy ? 

12. I rejoice in thee, O my God, I rejoice in thinking 
that thou exifteft, that thou art an eternal and infinitely per- 

5 feet Being. I rejoice in thinking of the clofe relations 
which unite me to thee. I rejoice in thinking on the ways 
of thy providence, on the manner in which thou haft ar- 
ranged all things in the natural and moral world. 

13. I rejoice to think that every thing takes place by thy 
will, that it is thou who ordered: and directed all things ; 
that all is good and perfect in its kind ; that all is the ef- 
fect and proof of thine infinite love. It is in this light I 
would henceforward fee all things ; bletTmgs and afflictions, 
pleafures and pains, all that befals others and myfelf. 

14. I will not forget that all things come from the,c, 
provided by thy wifdom and belt owed by thy love. JVly 
joy, my happinefs, fhall always confilt in loving thee, in 
conforming my will to thine, in refigning myfelf entirely in- 
to thy hands as into the hands of the heft of fathers, and 
hereby ltrengthening more and more the ties which unite 
me to thee. 

15. It is true my grofs fenfes, and the different ties 
which unite me to the earth, do not permit me fo often to 
elevate my foul to thee, nor to perceive thine adorable per- 
fections and auguft prefence in that lively manner, my foul 
defires, in the moments confecrated to piety ; 

16. But I will cherifh the hope that I ftiall hereafter 
know thee better, adore thee more worthily, unite myfelf 
more clofely to thee, and love thee with nrore ardor ; and 
then fhall I experience, in contemplating ifhee, O my God, 
the moft pure and moft ravifhing joy. 



98 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 



A sure Rule in the Conduct of Life. 

1. WHAT is the wifeft ufe I can make of the prefent 
life ? What road ought I to purfue, in order mod fafely to 
attain the end of my exiftence ? How can I molt fuccefsful- 
ly prepare myfelf for a more perfect and happy date after 
death ? How different are the paths in which men walk 1 
How oppofite and contradictory are the maxims they adopt, 
and the ends they propofe to themfelves ! 

% Nothing is more common than to fee them wander- 
ing into forbidden paths, and failing of the end they have 
in view ! To avoid falling into the fame miflakes, I need a 
fare and fafe rule which I may follow without danger, and 
an enlightened guide in whom I may entirely confide. 

3. But where fhall I find either the one or the other, un- 
lefs in the heavenly doctrine of our Lord Jefus Chrifl, and 
the example which he hath left us. Yes, he is the way, the 
truth, and the life. To him we mufl continually look, af- 
ter him we mufl frame our lives ; to his voice we mull be 
attentive and obedient, and in his fleps we mufl tread. 

4. Whoever follows him with fmcerity and perfeverance 
cannot go aflray ; but will finally attain the higheft degree 
of perfection of which he is capable. May it be my endea- 
vor to become every day more like him, conformed to his 
example, and obedient to his precepts ! 

5. Grant me, O merciful God, thine afliftance, and the 
aids of that fpirit which thou didfl fhed fo abundantly on 
thy well beloved Son. Thus fupported and protected, I 
fhall furmount the greatefl difficulties, and fhall find my 
greatefl happinefs and glory in the practice of virtue, and 
the progreis of holinefs. 



A Parent's Reflections on his Duty. 

1. O GODj the Creator of all men, and the fource of 
all happinefs, thou makefl ufe of thy creatures as the inflru- 
ment by whom thou communicateft thy gifts? and even life 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 99 

itfelf, to other beings of the fame fpecies ; and by this plan 
thou ma kef t them partakers of thy iupreme felicity,- in the 
divine and heavenly pleafures of making others happy. 

% Thou haft permitted me to talle of this happineis. 
Thou haft given me children, and committed them to my 
direction and care. What a valuable prefent of thy boun- 
What an abundant fource of pleafure and joy for me ! 
Thou haft implanted in me the tendereft affection to my fee- 
ble offspring. 

3. Thou haft made me as feelingly alive to their pleaf- 
ures and pains as to my own. Thou haft not left my chil- 
dren dependent on the cool dictates of reafon, but haft urg- 
ed me to the full difcharge 6f my duty by the ftimulations 
of an inftinct more fpeedy and forcible in its operations than 
any deliberate arguments could poflibly be. 

4. Thou haft engaged and animated me to do them all 
the good in my power by every feeling of the heart. This 
affection which burns within me is a fpark of that love 
which thou beareft to all thy creatures. But this parental 
affection ought to be, like thine, a wife and enlightened prin- 
ciple. Its object mould be, not an external and momentary 
happinefs, but a true and permanent felicity. 

5. It is not merely to the fubfiftence of my children, to 
the growth and iliape of their bodies, that I would devote 
my chief attention, but, principally, to the culture of their 

Js and hearts. 

6. It is my duty to form them to rational men, fmcere 
chriftians, uieful members of fociety, affectionate hulbands 
and wives, tender parents, good matters, faithful friends, 
and virtuous citizens. 

It is my duty to teach them to love their Creator above 
all, to love their fellow creatures as their brethren, and to 
rejoice in the perfuafion that thou art our common Father. 
I ihould form them not only for time, but for eternity. 

.is is one of the molt n'oble and honorable employ- 
es, one of the moft important and delightful duties 
haft required of me. I will facrifice every 
:ig pleafures and the fweeteft enjoymc 
of life, to this important tafk. 

ite, no other relation of life can fet : 
free from J an obligation. It is myfelf who muft dii- 



100 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

charge it ; and I cannot, either wholly or in part, make 
over this duty to another ; fince it is impoffible that an hire- 
ling fhould feel the fame fentiments which animate the bread 
of a parent, and mould be fufceptible of the fame zeal and 
the fame patience. 

10. If I am obliged to have recourfe, in this important 
office, to the affirmance and talents of others, they can aft 
only under my direction, and as workers together with me. 

11. This duty is undoubtedly difficult and laborious ; 
but if, by thine affiftance, O my God, I acquit myfelf with 
fuccefs, what a train of pleafures and advantages will re- 
mit from it to myfelf and fociety. 

12. To guide feeble and ignorant creatures in the road 
to happinefs ; to teach them to make a good ufe of their 
powers ; to contribute to the unfolding of the faculties and 
difpofitions with which they are endued ; 

13. To guard innocent beings from error, vice and mif- 
ery, who are expofed to a thoufand dangers and tempta- 
tions ; to throw the feeds of truth, wifdom and virtue into 
their young minds, as yet open to every impreffion ; to cher- 
ifh and ftrengthen more and more the good difpofitions 
which begin to fpring up in them ; 

1 k To bring them acquainted with the defign of their 
being, both prefent and future ; to keep them at a diftance 
from the poifonous fources of vice and folly, and to open to 
them thofe of wifdom, contentment, and joy ; to fit them 
for acting their part on the great theatre of the world, with 
credit to themfelves and fatisfaction to their fellow crea- 
tures. 

15. What a noble and fublime employment! What a 
rccompenfe will attend it in this world and another. May 
I be more penetrated with a fenfe of its dignity and impor- 
tance, that I may acquit myfelf with a zeal that fhall enfure 
its fuccefs. 

16. Yes, to give my children a liberal and chriftian ed- 
ucation fhall be my principal and my fwee'teft occupation. 
Every thing animates me to this duty — nature, religion, the 
happinefs of my children, my own happinefs, and that of 
fociety. 

17. Am I not anfwerable for my conduct with refpect 
to them, to the tribunal of my own confeience, to ton 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 101 

and to God, who is the Father of my children ? Do not 
their ufefulnefs or unufefulnefs in the world ; the good or 
evil they lhall do ; their happinefs or mifery, prefent or fu- 
ture — do they not depend in a great meafure on the educa- 
tion and cultivation I fhall have given them ? 

18. May I not form the moft delightful and rejoicing 
expectations with refpect to futurity if I have zealoully en- 
deavored to give them good infiruclion ? On the contrary, 
muft I not expect the moll: cutting forrow if I have neglect 
ed this duty, or have acquitted myfelf ill in it ? 

19. What wifh fhail I one day form, when death flia 
feparate me from them ? What will then confole me, ana 
enable me to go with tranquillity into the (late of retribu- 
tion which awaits me in another world ? 

20. Will it fatisfy me to think that my children are fuf- 
iiciently advanced to do without me ; that I leave them a 
decent patrimony, or even considerable riches ; that they 
are allied to opulent families ; that I have laid the founda- 
tion of their advancement ; that I have fmoothed the way 
to important offices, dignities and fortune ? Will all this 
make me eafy reipecting their future lot, and give me * 
confoling hope of meeting them again in the manfions of 
eternal felicity ? 

2 1 . When the fplendor and pomp of this world fhall van- 
ifh from my fight, what fhall I then wifh with the gieateft 
anxiety ? Will it not be that my children may be wife and 
virtuous men, and good chriftians ; and that they may per- 
fevere in the path of wifdom and virtue ? In my laft mo- 
ments it will little concern me whether they be in other 
refpecls rich or poor, elevated to the pinnacle of greatnefs, or 
loft in obfeurity. 

22. With what tranquillity fhall I then be able to fepa- 
rate from them, and leave them under the direction of their 
heavenly Father I And ihall I not at prefent afpire, fhall I 
not inceffantly ftrive to obtain this end ? Shall I not do all 
in my power to attain it, and to procure for myfelf fo de- 
lightful a fatisfaclion on the bed of death ? 

23. It is true the moft careful education will not always 
fucceed. The moft precious feed may be choked by bad 
examples, by the feduction of the corrupters of youth, or 
by the dominion of feniual appetites and irregular paffions* 

I 2 



102 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

All my attention and care may be ufelefs ; but fuch inftan- 
ces are not frequent. 

24<. Seldom does it happen that he who intcrefts himfelf 
in the education of his children with a truly enlightened, ac- 
tive and indefatigable zeal is put to fo painful a trial. The 
fruits of his labors may not often difcover themfelves till 
late ; if lie do not live to reap the fruits himfelf, they may, 
neverthelefs, one day come to maturity. 

2o. Befides, when I have given all my attention to the 
education of my children, I have nothing with which to re- 
proach myfelf, even though it lhall have been of no ufe. 
In this cafe I am not the author of their mifery ; I have 
not contributed to it. How great foever it may be, I ought 
not to confider it as a punifhment on me, but as a difafter 
I could not poflibly prevent. 

26. Preferve me, O my God, if it may be, from this 
greateft of all diftrefs. Gracious God ! Thou feed my 

ting, trembling heart ; hear the prayer of a parent ! 
Protect the feeble creatures thou haft committed to my care ! 
Suffer them not to become the deplorable victims of de- 
bauchery and vice. 

27. Uphold and direct them, that they may never go 
ray and be loft. Make their path ftraight before them. 

Support them in the way of life ; and let innocence, truth, 
virtue and piety always accompany and preferve them. 
Let them be heirs of unfading glory ; let them be iafe 
through eternitv. 

28. O that my children may be heirs of God, and joint 
heirs of Jefus Chrift 1 Should they be foon removed hence, 
may it be into Abraham's boibm ; or mould they longer be 
continued here, may they be gathered at laft, as a fhock of 
corn, into the celeftial garner. 

29. Give thy blefTmg on all I have undertaken with this 
view, and on whatever I fliall hereafter undertake. If my 
feeble efforts are ill directed, they are at leaft fmcere. Sup- 
ply my deficiencies, and grant me, Oh my God ! more 
light and knowledge, that I may choofe the beft means, and 
not be difcouraged in the difcharge of my important duty. 

30. Happy, inexpreflibly happy, lhall I be, if at the 
hour of death, and in the day of judgment, I may be re- 
united to my children, never more to be feparated ; and be 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 103 

able to fay, in the tranfports of joy, " Behold me, Lord, 
; the children thou haft given rne. 

31. They have, like me, happily finifned their courfe ; 
they have kept the faith, and perfevered in the ; r obedience ; 
and now they humbly wait, with me, for the recompenfe 
which thou hall promifed to thole who have been faithful 
unto death." 

32. With a view to all thefe bleffings would I bring 
them, in the arms of faith and love, to the divine footftooi, 
and refign them to the difpofal of infinite goodnefs and 
mercy. To that kind and gracious God who gave them 
would I humbly commit them, to be guarded by ti. 
idence, miniftered to by thine angels, influenced by thy Spir- 
it, conducted iafely through the dangers and evils of this 
world, and prefer ved to thy everlaiting kingdom in the 
other. 



A Child's Reflections on kis Duty. 

1. IN what a (late of weaknefs and dependence, O my 
God, are the children of men born ! When they come into 
the world they are much more feeble, much more depen- 
dent, much more expofed to dangers than the moil: fenfelefs 
animals. It is but llowly, and very late tiiat they acquire 
fuiHcient ftrength to ftand alone, without the affiitance of 
their parents. 

2. But this arrangement is the efFecl: of thy paternal 
bounty. Thou intendefl we mould be raifed above the brute 
creation, and become intelligent and moral beings. But 
fuch we cannot become but by a conftant intercourfe, and 
the daily iVftruclions of perfons better informed than our- 
felves. 

3. And it is in order that we may enjoy this fociety and 
inftruction, that thou haft fo clofely united us to beings of 
the fame nature with ourfelves, and placed us in fuch a ftate 
of dependence on one another. 

4*. I revere thy will, O my God ; and I return thee 



104 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

thanks for the ties which unite me to my parents, and all 
the advantages I derive from it. 

5. Yes, I perceive how feeble and dependent I am, and 
defire to think and act accordingly. Happy fhall I think 
myfelf, if filled with love and gratitude to my parents, I 
fulfil my obligations to them with a tractable and joyful 
heart. 

6. How great are my obligations to them ! What fhould 
I do without them ? Surrounded from my birth with ten 
thoufand dangers, I Ihould probably not have efcaped any 
one of them, if the fupporting and watchful hand of a fa- 
ther or a mother, or of perfons wno fiipplied their place, 
had not protected and fhatched me from the dangers which 
threatened me. 

7. Expofed to a thoufand wants, without the power of 
fupplying them ; a prey to hunger and thirl t, to cold and 
heat, to forrow and drfeafe, I ihould have fallen a victim to 
all thefe evils had it not been for the aifiduous attention of 
thofe who were around me, and their care to fupply my 
want of knowledge and of itrength. 

8. For how long a time hath this fixate of weaknefs and 
dependence (in which I ftill in a great degree find myfelf) 
continued ? A flranger to every thing, the lead thing fills 
me with fear and trouble. My mind, as feeble as my body, 
falters at every ftep, falls into a thoufand errors, and, daz- 
zled by a falfe lullre, fufFers itfelf to be eaiily led aftray by 
vain appearances. 

9. I have not yet acquired fiifficierit experience to con- 
fide entirely in myfelf. To-day I judge tocally diiferent of 
men and things from what I did yefterday. Knowing but 
little of the defign of my being, and the means of attain- 
ing it, I cannot yet tread with a firm and fteady foot in the 
path of life. 

10. How much do I need an enlightened and faithful 
guide ? Without fuch a director I run the rifque of ftraying 
into a thoufand obfcure bypaths, the victim of every impos- 
tor who wifiies to abufe my credulity, and the fport of eve- 
ry accident. 

1 1. But who arnongft mankind will guide me with more 
kindnefs, prudence, and circumfpection than a father or a 
mother ? My parents are the firft and fureft guides I can 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 105 

the journey of life, which is to rne at prefect an un- 

. ... They will give me the benefit of their expe* 

e, light and ilrength. 

1 2. They will warn me of the dangers I run, and re- 

e the obftacles that lie in my way. They will teach me 

to diilinguiih reality from appearance, and to form a right 

judgment of mankind and the objects around me. They 

e me when I fall, and encourage my trembling 

fteps. 

13. They will lead me infenfibly to wifdom and virtue, 
to the knowledge of God and religion, which they will 
h me to ftudy and to follow, as the nobler! and mod 
guides to man, the moil faithful and the fureft con- 
Lefs. 
. How great then are my obligations to my parents ! 
How can I ever acquit myfelf to them, and fufficiently ac- 
knowledge my gratitude ! How much have my mainte- 
nance, my early education, and the improvement of my 
mind already coll them ; and how much anxiety, pain and 
labor have I not occafioned them ! 

15. How many conveniences and pleafures, and accom- 
modations have they not given up on my account ! How 
many tears have I made them fried for me ! How much dif- 
appointment and diftrefs have they experienced for me ! 
How much more have they watched, labored, and lived for 
me, than For themfclves ! 

16. And have I never made a perverfe return for their 
love ? Have I never repaid their kindnefs with ingratitude ? 

they have never ceafed to give me new proofs of their 
tendernefs, and never ceaied to labor for my happinefs. 

17. Alas ! it is now I fee my faults. The idea of hav- 
occafioned them anxiety and mortification, and of hav- 

$s and tears my own. I am a- 

'ned that bedierice I have hindered 

in my behalf, and failed in my duty to 

future to repair theft faults, and to give 
fo this my bi : be 

piety mall direct and animate all my i 
! do not!; pteafa them. 

them, to 



106 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

afford them every fervice and adiftance in my power, and to 
become their confolation and their joy. I will give myfeif 
fmcerely to their direction, inftantly obey their commands, 
and, if poffible, even anticipate their wifhes. 

20. The end to which I will direcl all my efforts fhall 
be to make a go©d ule of all the means of inftru&ion they 
procure me, that I may become more intelligent and wife, 
and hereby make the bed return in my power for all their 
kindnefs. 

21. Thus will I endeavor to lighten their burdens, re* 
lieve their cares, and rejoice their hearts with the pleafmg 
hope that their labor has not been in vain. 

22. Preferve me, O merciful God, from the levity and 
inconftancy of my age. Let the idea of thy prefence, and 
of thy will, confirm me in every good refolution I have 
•formed, and do thou affift me to execute them with perfe- 
verance and fidelity 1 



A Youth's Reflections on his Duty. 

1. HOW pleafant is the feafon of youth ! Like the fine 
days in the fpring, it compofes the prime of life, and prom- 
ifes in future a rich harveft. But, alas ! it paffes away with 
the fame rapidity, and the hopes it raifes are often as de- 
ceitful. In the moral, as in the natural world, the fineft 
bloifoms do not always* produce the fruit we had reafon to 
expect : 

2. " Fair is the bud his vernal morn brings forth. 
And fojlering gales awhile the nurfling fan. 

/mile, ye heavens, ferene ! ye mildews wan, 
Te blighting whirlwinds, fpare its balmy prime" 

In vain are our willies ! Too often, blafted by the hoar froft, 
or torn by the temped, the faireft buds o£ hope, and the 
raoft promifing plants perifh, with the precious feed which 
they enclofe. 

3. How mud it afflicl the perfon, arrived at die matu- 
rity of manhood, when he calls his eyes over the days ot 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 107 

youth, if they have flown away without improvement — if 
ke has foolifhly confirmed them in trifling occupations, or 
loft them in idlenefs. 

4. What more diftrefling object can be held to the view 
#f fociety than that of a man whole faculties, inftead of be- 
ing unfolded and enlarged by exercife, are benumbed by in- 
activity, or debilitated or worn out in the fervice of vice ; 
carrying with him, into the maturer feafon, nothing but 
the difgraceful feelings of weaknefs, regret and rem ode ? 

5. On the other hand, What pleafure muft not a perfon 
experience in recalling to his mind the fpring of life, who 
has employed it in forming his mind and his heart in pre- 
paring himfelf for ufeful occupations ; and who, having 
cultivated the precious feed which the Creator has fown 
within us, can hope to reap for himfelf and others the moft 
excellent fruits ? How delightful is the fight of fuch a man 
to every fenfible and virtuous perfon ! 

6. Happy will it be for me if I may one day tafte this 
fatisfaclion, and procure it for my parents and fellow citi- 
zens. Happy for me if I entertain at prefent the fame opin- 
ion of the important defign of youth as I fhall certainly have 
in maturer years, and in old age, in the hours of retirement 
and recollection, and at the approach of death. 

7. But ah ! how different is the point of view in which 
manhood and old age fee the days of their youth, from that 
in which they are beheld by the young man himfelf ! And 
how much more likely to be juft is their opinion which is 
formed on their own experience and that of others ! Where 
is the man who ever repented of having well employed his 
youth ? 

8. Does not this period of life, when paffed in piety 
and innocence, procure us the moft valuable advantages, 
and the moft noble pleafures ? On the other hand, how ma- 
ny deplore the lofs or abufe of thefe moft favorable days of 
their lives, and bitterly lament over the unhappy confequen- 
ces of youthful errors ? 

9. How many are there who, in the flower of their 
lives, are a prey to the infirmities of a premature old age, 
become incapable of tafting the pleafures and comforts of 
domeftic life, or to whom thefe pleafures are embittered and 
poifoned by remorfe of confcience ? 



108 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

10. And (hall not thefe leffons and experiences, fo pro- 
per to mftruct and encourage me, make me more wife and 
prudent ? Shall they not engage me wifely to employ the 
days of youth ; to fly the fteps of thole unfortunate perfons 
whofe very appearance terrifies me ; 

11. To proceed with a firm and perfevering flep in the 
path where fo many of my predeceifors have reaped the ad- 
vantages they now enjoy, and by which they have become 
valuable men, ufeful citizens, and wife and happy beings ? 

12. The prefent is the feafon for fowing. If, at a more 
advanced period, I would not be reduced to the want of 
neceflaries ; if I would not be a burden to myfelf and oth- 
ers ; if I would gather a rich and abundant harveft, I muft 
fow the good i^cd, and carefully cultivate the ground which 
receives it. I muft adorn my mind with wiidom, and my 
heart with virtue : I mud lay in a ftore of ufeful knowl- 
edge, and early acquire the habit of acting juftly. 

13. I mull combat my evil thoughts before they gain 
the mattery ; I mull extirpate my evil habits before they 
have taken deep root ; I muft endeavor to iecure the love 
and eftecm of my fellow citizens, by a rational, modeft, at- 
tentive, regular conduct, that I may be able to depend in 
future on their protection and fupport. 

14. Youth is the time for discipline and preparation ; in 
this feafon I mould acquaint myfelf with, and properly val- 
ue, and exercife my faculties and powers, if I would one 
day employ them with facility and fuccefs ; I fhould ac- 
quire the information and the talents for which I fhall have 
occafien in future life, and without which I ilia.ll Mumble at 
every ftep, and find myfelf involved in a thoufand perplex- 
ing difficulties. 

15. I muft accuftom myfelf to felf denials ; to bear 
contradiction and oppofition ; to endure fatigue, trouble, 
and affliction ; to fubdue my paffions ; to conquer my fen- 
fual appetites ; if I would not one day fink under the weight 
of every duty and every trial. 

16. How important then is the prefent feafon of life \ 
Mere wifhes, llothful and feeble efforts, will not fufflce to 
fulfil its duties and defign. It is only by perfevering endea- 
vors, by a conftant application, and by an unfliaken firm- 
nefs, that I can attain the end which I propofe. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR, 109 

17. But need I be difcouraged and alarmed at the ne- 
ceflity of diligence, application and refiftance ? Will not 
the wages be proportioned to the labor, and the triumph to 
the combat ? Shall 1 poftpone to an uncertain hereafter that 
which I can and ought to do at preent ? Is not the time I 
lofe really loft forever ? Has not every future period of my 
exiftence its particular employment ? 

18. Will it be the time for fowing when the feafon of 
gathering (hall come, or for inftruction when I mall be call- 
ed to make ufe of my knowledge ? What it is incumbent on 
me to do at this feafon, and which I neglect became of its 
difficulties, will become every year and every day more dif- 
ficult ? 

19. Notwith (landing the health and ftrength I enjoy in 
the fpring of life, may I not lofe my powers, and die in the 
flower of my days ? And what doom may I expect in the 
future ftate, if I have fooliflily wafted the prime of life in 
the flavery of irregular paffions and the corruptions of vice ? 

20. Let me watch continually over myfelf, over all the 
fecret motions of my heart ; let me not fuffer myfelf to be 
feduced by the vain promifes of vice, by the charms of an 
apparent liberty, or a treacherous joy. 

21. Wifdom raifes her voice to tell me that the intoxica- 
tion of fenfe enduies but for an inftant ; that the enchanted 
cup of luxury mall not be always fweet to my tafte ; that 
the pleafure I find in drinking it fhall foon vaniih, as a fleet- c 
Ing dream from which we are fearfully awakened ; that the 
liberty with which I am flattered by vice is nothing but the 
vile ft flavery, and that all its joys are poifoned at their 
fource. 

22. Whereas, no innocent pleafure which I forego, from 
a principle of virtue, fhall be loft to me ; fooner or later it 
fhall be returned to me with intereft. A train of pure and 
lading joys iliall recompenfe me, in manhood and old age, 
for the deftruclive or vain gratifications which I have pru- 
dently renounced. 

23. And even when prevented, by an early death, from 
gathering, in this world, the fruits of a well regulated youth, 
iliall I not reap a prodigious advantage if I am prepared to 
enter a more perfect abode, and fufficiently qualified for the 



110 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

fublime employment and delicious pleafures which await the 
virtuous in a future exiftence ? 

24. Yes, O my God, it is only by keeping thy com- 
mandments — by making wifdor.x and .virtue, reafon and re- 
ligion his faithful guides, that a young man can preferve his 
innocence, look with calmnefs on the beginning of his courfe, 
and advance nearer and nearer to his fupreme deftination. 

25. O may thefe faithful guides always accompany me 
in the journey of life ! Oh Almighty and moft merciful 
Cod, do thou thyfelf conduct me, by thy fpirit, in the 
ftraight road. Preferve me, by thy grace, from the wan- 
derings of youth, and the tyranny of paflions. 

26. Let thy wife and good providence remove far from 
my path the obftacles and temptations which may occafioa 
my fall. Affift my endeavors to become wiic, and virtu- 
ous, and holy ; and accompany them with thy blefiing. 
Place me in circumftances favorable to my improvement. 
Give me faithful friends and guides, and enable me to ioj- 
low them in the paths of goodneis. 

27. Thou delighted, O God, to grant the defires which 
flow from a fmceie heart, and to fecond the efforts of thofe 
who ferioufly afpire after greater perfection* Supported and 
girded by thee, I cannot fail of attaining in this world the 
delign of my exiilence, and of arriving in the other at my 
fupreme end. 



The Effects of Parental Partiality. 

1. THE intrinfic moral worth of any character is en- 
tirely di'tir.ct from, and independent of, external circum- 
ftances. Every fituation in human life affords iufficient op- 
portunities for the cultivation of virtuous habits, and the per- 
formance of good actions ; 

2. And as far as a man's virtues refpect himfelf, it is of 
little consequence, whether they be difplayed to public view 
from an exalted ftation, or concealed from the notice of the 
world in the humble retreats of poverty. 

3. If die pine or the oak happen to grow in the valley, 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. til 

the one is not on that account, in itfelf, the lefs lofty, nor 
the other the lefs majeftic. 

4. With refpect, however, to the impreffions which the 
virtues of one man may make on the imagination or feeling 
of another, or the degree of force with which his example 
will operate, much depends on the lltuaticn in which they 
appear, and the light in which they are exhibited. 

5. In the ftill walks of domeftic life, and under the low- 
ly roof where honed labor dwells, if you will be at the pains 
to fearch for them, you will find many amiable and resect- 
able characters, adorned and enriched with virtues which en- 
title them to a place among " the excellent of the earth," 
who, neverthelefs, live unnoticed and forgotten ; without 
reward, without praife, perhaps almoit without fupport : 

6. While others, whom fortune hath furrounded with 
the glare of earthly grandeur, continually fet forth their 
whole (lock of fhining qualities before the gazing multitude, 
and are fure of obtaining at leaft as much admiration and 
anplaufe as they deferve. 

c< Full many a flower is born to blujh unfeen> 
And ivajh its fwcetnefs on the defart air." 

7. Perhaps we owe it to the extraordinary revolutions 
which happened in the life of Joleph (whcfe character and 
hiftory we are now to confider) and to the elevated ftation 
which he rilled in the court of Pharaoh, that the virtues of 
his early years, while he was a Ihepherd in the land of Ca- 
naan, a fervant to Potiphar, and a priibner in Egypt, were 
not buried in oblivion. 

8. Under the former of thefe characters, the facred hit 
tory preients him to us, as at once a proper object of our 
admiration and pity. While we admire the gentlenefs of 
his difpofitions, the innocence of his character,*" and the fim- 
plicity of his manners, we cannot but lament his misfor- 
tune, and be afflicted to fee him fall a facrifice to the im- 
prudent partiality of his father, and the envy and malice of 
his brethren. 

9. " Ifrael loved Joleph more than all his children :" 
And why r Was it became he took better care of the flocks 
and herds ; becaufe he was more dutiful and affectionate to 



112 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

his father ; or becaufe he had a better underftanding or 
more amiable difpofitions than his brethren ? 

10. All this might poffibly be true ; and out of any of 
thefe particulars a fond parent might have framed a plaufi- 
ble excufe for partiality : and perhaps, had Jacob been afk- 
ed the reafon of his, he might have fo flattered and deceiv- 
ed himfelf, as to have imputed it to feme one of thefe cau- 
ses : 

11. For, when men wifh to excufe their actions to them- 
felves or others, nothing is more common than to afcribe 
them to a good motive inftead of the true one. But faith- 
ful hiftory hath recorded the real ground of Jacob's partial- 
ity, " he loved Jofeph more than all his children, becaufe he 
was the fon of his old age." 

12. For no better reafon than thh>, how often do we fee 
parents indulging a partial fondnefs for fome of their off- 
spring, which in proportion as it prevails, alienates their 
hearts from the re 11 ! 

13. Some cafual circumftance attending the birth of a 
child, a fortunate fet of features or complexion, a ftriking 
refemblance of themfelves, or of fome abfent or deceafed 
friend, or perhaps fome incident ftill more trifling, fhall take 
fuch a powerful hold on their affections, that they fhall not 
be able to deny themfelves the gratification of diftinguifhing 
the object of their partiality by a thoufand enviable tokens 
of peculiar regard. 

14. Such diftinctions, even when they are meant as re- 
wards of real merit, ought to be conferred with caution and 
prudence ; left, while encouragement is given to the more 
worthy, the inactive and timid fhould be diflieartened, or 
the bold and afpiring difguited ; and left envy and malevo- 
lence fhould be raifed by thofe meafures which were intend- 
ed to excite a generous emulation. 

15. But when the ground of the diftinction is flight and 
fanciful, the effect muft neceffarily be injurious, both with 
refpect to the parents and the children. It is of no confe- 
quence in what particular manner this partiality is expreif- 
ed. 

16. Whether the favorite be oftener exempted from ptin- 
ilhment for his faults, excufed from irkfome labors, indulg- 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 113 

ed in the gratification of his fancies, or honored with kind 
words and gracious looks ; 

17. Or whether he be raifed above the reft by the plan 
of his education, his deftination in life, his prefent appoint- 
ments, or the provifion which is made for him in future ; 

18. Whatever be the peculiar badge of dillinction, it is 
" a coat of many colors," which at once expofe* the fond 
parent, who puts it on, to ridicule and cenfure, and the 
young man who wears it to envy and hatred. 

19. This was experienced moil fenfibly both by the fath- 
er and fon in the (lory now under coniideration. Jacob had 
the mortification to fee, that his ill-judged partiality for one 
of his children deprived him of the cordial affection and ef- 
teem of the reft ; and foon found that it laid him open to 

rnoft unkind and cruel treatment. 

20. Joleph felt that the elevation which a parent's fond- 
nefs had given him above his brethren, inftead of engaging 
their refpeet, had only drawn on him their ridicule, con- 
tempt and refentment. 

21. They thofl^ht it hard and unjuft that, in a numer- 
ous family, one child fhould engrofs the afFeclions of the 
common parent ; that the ilreams which were defigned by 
nature to water all the country round, ihould be confined to 

channel, and Mow in one direction alone. 

22. Their pride could not brook the mortifying idea, 
that a brother, over whom nature had given them the ad- 
vantage of feniority, and whom, in all other respects, ihe 
had placed on a level wich themfelves, ihould be railed a- 
bove them by the caprice or dotage of their father. 

23. The refentment which his partiality excited, at firft 
expreifed itfelf in contemptuous and reproachful language^ 
" Thev hated Jofeph, and could not fpeak peaceably unto 
him." 

24. It was Mill farther heightened by the recital of cer- 
tain dreams, which foretold his future greatnefs. At length 
it fettled into cool malice, and produced a deliberate pur- 
pole of revenge. 

25. Having left their father's houfe* and, according to 
the cuftom of the times, taken an occafional reiidence in a 
neighboring country which afforded pafture for their flocks • 

26. Jacob, who ftill retained his parental affection fcr- 

K 2 



114 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

his abfent fons, and probably in a much ftronger degree than 
their jealoufy had permitted them to iuppofe, grew anxious 
concerning them, and fent out his fon Jofeph to inquire af- 
ter their welfare. 

27. " Go, I pray thee, fays he, fee whether it be well 
with thy brethren, and well with the flocks, and bring me 
word again." The young man cheerfully undertook the 
embaffy, and executed it faithfully. He had not learned 
from his brethren to banifh natural affeclion from his heart. 

28. When he found that they had left the place to which 
his father had directed him, he did not, carelefs about the 
fuccefs of his undertaking, return home without farther 
fearch ; but, making diligent inquiry, he difcovered their 
prefent abode, and haftened towards them. 

29. When he came within fight of their tents, how dif- 
ferent the emotions which arofe in the breaft of Jofeph, and 
in that of his brethren ! On his part were no feelings but 
thofe of affection ; no purpofes but thofe of kindnefs. 

30. Having been for fome time feparated from them, 
his remembrance of their former alienation was obliterated ; 
or, however, the expectation of a happy interview awaken- 
ed every tender fentiment in his heart, and left no room for 
the intrufion of unpleafmg ideas. 

31. As he drew near he rejoiced to behold their profper- 
ity, and hoped to increafe their happinefs by bringing them 
good tidings of their father. 

32. But, on his approach, a very different train of ideas 
Tufhed into their minds ; far other paffions rofe in their 
breads : all their former refentments and jealoufies were 
in a moment rekindled : at the firft fight of him they ex- 
claimed— -not, " fee our brother !" but, " Behold, this 
dreamer cometh P' 

33. A defign was inftantly formed to kill him, and to 
conceal their crime by faying that he had been devoured by 
fome wild beaft ; and, had they been all equally bent on his 
c!eftru<5tion, the defign had been immediately executed. 

34. But, the elder brother Reuben, under the pretence 
of avoiding the horror of polluting their hands with their 
brother's blood, but in reality that ne might afterwards con- 
trive fome means for Jofeph's efcape, propofed that they 
fliould caft him into a neighboring pit, and there leave him 
to perifli. 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 115 

35. This propofal being acceded to, the young man, 
immediately on his arrival, inftead of being welcomed and 
embraced as a brother, or even faluted as a ftranger, was 
feized and ftripped of his raiment ; that coat of many col- 
ors, which had been lb long the badge of his father's fond- 
nefs, and the object of their envy ; and, after many cruel 
el infults was thrown into the pit. All his entreaties, all his 
cries and tears, were ineffectual to obtain his releafe. 

36. Malice is inexorable : before her tribunal natural af« 
fection and humanity intercede in vain ; (he even teaches the 
heart to exult in mifery, and to enjoy the horrors which her 
bloody hands have prepared. 

37. The brethren, of Jofeph were not only inftigated by 
their jealoufy and relentment to expofe his life : but, while 
his piteous cries were yet founding in their ears, they pro- 
ceeded to partake of their wonted repaft, as if nothing had 
happened to diiturb their tranquillity. 

38. " They took him and cad; him into a pit ; and they 
fat down to eat bread." Such enormous crimes do envy 
and malice, when they have been long fuffered to lie rank- 
ling in the heart, and are allowed to gain daily ftrength by 
being indulged, at length render men capable of commit- 
ting. 

39. How carefully ought we to guard again ft the flight- 
eft venom of fuch deadly poifon I At this diftrefsful mo- 
ment, Providence brought that relief to Jofeph which his 
brethren had denied him. 

40. A company of Ifhmaelites parting on their way to 
Egypt, it occurred to one of the company, that they might 
effectually rid themfelves of this troublefome and afpiring 
youth, without fhedding his blood, by felling him to thefe 
travellers. 

41. There is in human nature fuch an abhorrence of 
nmrder, that even the greater! villains will, if poflihle, ac- 
complim their ends without it, and will feldom commit this 
horrid crime from the mere wantonnefs of barbarity. 

42. It was therefore natural, at die approach of thefe 
Ifhmaelites, that Judah mould fay to his brethren, " what 
profit is it, if we flay our brother and conceal his blood ? 
come, let us fell him to the Ifhmaelites, and let not our 



116 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

hand be upon him, for he is our brother and our flefh ;" 
that his brethren (build be fatislled with the propofal. 

43, Had they indeed rightly understood the principle 
which Judah fuggeiled, and purfued it into its natural con- 
fequences, they would have feen, that to fell their brother 
•as a Have was a crime fcarcely lets heinous in its nature, than 
that which they f\rft proposed to commit : 

k But, probably, the frequency of the practice of pur- 
chasing and felling flaves might, in thofe days, as it does at 
prefent, render men inattentive to the moral nature of the 
action ; and they might think it a fmaU crime to buy or 
fell a brother. 

45. However this was, it was determined that Jofeph 
fhould be fold : the lihrnaelites accordingly purchafed him, 
and carried him into Egypt. 

46. Reuben, who was abfent when the bargain was made 
(having probably withdrawn himfelf with 

his brother as foon as the reft of the company had left the 
pit) on his return, exprelied the utmoil diftrefs at the Iofi 
of Jofeph ; perhaps imagining that during his abience 
had di ipatched h 

47. The whole affair, however, being explained to him, 
he acquieced in what had been done, and they agreed to 
conceal the action from their father, by dipping the coat of 
many colors in blood, and thus leading him to conclude that 
fome wild beaft had torn his fon in pic. 

48. The artifice fucceeded ; and, by the help oi that 
concealment and difiimulation which villainy is gene 
obliged to practife in order to carry on its defigns, the} j 
fuaded, their father that Jofeph, his beloved fon, was dead. 

49. In deviling and executing this deception, they might 
probably intend to take fome revenge on their father for his 
unreafonable partiality in favor of the child of his old age. 

50. But, whatever was their intention, it is moil certain 
that he paid dear for this inftance of weaknefs ; continuing 
for a long feafon to mourn for his fon, with unabating and 
inconfolable grief : 

51. " He refufed to be comforted, and faid, I will go 
down into the grave unto my fon mourning." This whole 
flory teacheth us the folly of parental partiality, more feel- 
ingly than the moil labored reafonings of philoibphy could 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 117 

have done ; and ought to be a warning to all parents, not 
to diftinguifh one child from the reft by " a ccat of many 
colors." 

52. Let us now follow Jofeph into Egypt, and obferve 
the virtues which rendered him beloved and refpe&ed even 
in the humble ftate of fervitude, and gradually prepared 

i the way for his advancement. 

53. Having been purchased from the Ifhmaelites by Pot- 
iphar, an officer in Praraoh's guards, his amiable manners 
foon attracted his matter's notice, and gained him the fta- 
tion of a menial fervant in Potiphar's family. Here he ex- 
perienced the value of thofe virtuous and religious princi- 
ples, which had been early fown, and had taken deep root, 
in his heart. 

54-. From his father's houfe he had brought treafures, 

which, even in a ftate of flavery, he could call his own, 

and which procured for him, what gold and filver could 

not have purchafed, the favor of heaven. " The Lord was 

'with Jofeph, and he was a profperous man." 

55. The fidelity with which he conftantly difcharged his 
duty, and the attention which he always difcovered to his 
matter's intereft, obtained, by degrees, fuch a fhare of his 

' efteem, that at laft he promoted him to offices of the high- 
eft honor in his family, and placed an unlimited confidence 
in his judgment and integrity, entrufted him with the fole 
management of his domeitic affairs. 

56. " He made him overieer over his houfe, and all that 
he had he put into his hand ; and he knew not aught he had 
fave the bread which he did eat." And," that he had no 
reaibn to repent of his confidence in this upright youth, the 

'] fequel fufficiently mows. 

57. Can we conceive a character more truly refpeclable, 
and worthy of imitation, than that which is here preiented 

] to our^view ? What are the principal qualities in moral ac- 
I tions, from which we determine their value, and the degree 
;< of refpect which they deferve ? Are they not chiefly thefe 
j two, the defign with which they are performed, and the vig- 
or and ftrength of mind which is exerted in performing 
them ? 

58. If a man acts from the moft elevated views, and 
purfues the nobleft ends with a fteadinefs and firmnefs of ref- 



118 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

olution which nothing can make, our moral feelings lead 113 
to pronounce him in the higheft degree worthy of refpect. 
Such was the character of Jofeph. 

59. Examined by this teft, what fhare of refpect will be 
due to the characters of thofe, who, while they boaft of their 
honor and courage, accuitom themfelves to ridicule and def- 
pife fuch virtue as that of Jofeph** ? 

60. Is it not their avowed principle, that pleafure, in 
their fenfe of the term, is theiupreme good, and that every 
thing elfe ought to be purfued only in iubordination to this 
^reat object ; 

61. That Is, in other words, that every man mould at 
all events procure for himfelf the higheft degree of animal 
gratification in his power, how much foever it may interfere 
with the happinefs of others, the obligations of religion, or 
even the fuperior interests of his own nature. 

62. Thefe men can therefore certainly have no claim to 
refpect, on account 6f their principles and motives, of action. 
Nor are they more refpectable for the vigor and lirmnefs of 
their minds : 

63. For their whole life is nothing more than a continu- 
ed courfe of weak compliances with the impulfes of appe- 
tite ; by which their power* are gradually enervated, till at 
length they become incapable of thofe mental exertions 
which higher punuits would require. 

6k Let us not, then, fuffer ourfelves to be feduced by 
falie appearances, or the influence of cuftom, into an opin- 
ion that there is any thing worthy of admiration or reipect 
in the character of a man of pleafure, or any thing d( 
ing of ridicule or contempt in that of a man of virtue. 

65. If we judge of actions by their motives and tenden- 
cies, we mull fee, that to invade the property of another, or 
dellroy his happinefs, is as much a violation of the lavs 
morality and religion, when the immediate end is to procure 
ourielves pleafure, as when it is to put out ieives in poifeflion 
of wealth ; 

66. Let us then abftain from licentious pleafure with de- 
termined refblution, regardieis of the contempt which its 
deluded votaries may caft on us ; and let us adhere to the 
path of virtue as the only road to real refpect and iubflan- 
tiai honor. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 119 

67. Nor let us entertain the moil diftant fufpfclon that 
virtue fliali ever go without its reward. If in any particu- 
lar inftances it mould fubjecT us to ridicule* and reproach ; 
if, through the malice of thofe whom our virtue has offend- 
ed, it mould for a time involve us in difficulties ; let us not 
defpond. 

68. Though Jofeph was cad into prifon by the artifices 
and falihoods of his difappointed and enraged feducer, 
through the prifon (as the fequel will fhew) lay the road to 
his future advancement. And the general tendencies of 
^things, as well as the doctrine of revelation, authorife us to 

fay, " Verily there is a reward for the righteous ; there is 
[3 God who judgeth the eardr." 



Filial and Brotherly Duty exemplified. 

1. THE principal realbn why men are fo frequently 
iirTatisfied with their condition, and difpofed to complain of 
the ways of Providence, is, that they judge from preient 
appearances and immediate effects, without being at the 
pains to confider the remoter tendencies, or having the pa- 
jtience to wait for the final iifues, of events. 

.2. If ftorms arife, or any of the more terrible operations 
jjrf nature take place, the merchant whole property links be- 
neath the troubled waves, or the hu(bandman,^he produce 
of whoie field is confumed by the fires of heaven, murmurs 
f at his ill fortune, and thinks it hard diat induAry mould be 
unable to command fuccefs. 

3v Under the anguiih of acute difeafes the reftlefs fuffer- 
?r, alike unmindful of pall enjoyments and future profpects, 
and judging of the condition of human nature wholly from 
fiis preient feelings, pronounces life a grievous burden, and 
.^vifhes for leave to lay it down. 

4. ^The fudden lofs of fome valued poffeflion or fome be- 
loved friend, or a difappointment in the execution of fome 
favorite fcheme, fhall fpread fuch a gloom over every object 
around us, that we mail income incapable of relifhing the 
blefiings which yet remain, and fhall be reftdy in the fretful- 



120 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

nefs of defpondency to adopt the language of Jacob, " All 
- thefe things are againft me." 

5. Whereas, if we would fuffer ourfelves to view the 
events which befal us in the calm light of philofophy and re- 
ligion, we fliould foon be convinced, that the moft dreadful 
appearances in the natural world, are a neceifary part of that 
general plan, by which the order and beauty of the univerfe 
are preferved ; 

6. That fome degree of fuffering is requifite to give us 
a higher relifh of happineis ; and that our beft affections 
and nobleft virtues are cultivated and ftrengthened in the 
fchool of adverfity. 

7. If we confult our own experience, or obferve that of 
others, we fhall find that events which had at firft the moft 
unfavorable afpecT:, and feemed to give juft occaiion for dis- 
content and complaint, have in the iifue been productive of 
moft important advantages.' 

8. That which happened in the hi (lory of Jofeph is by 
no means fa unufual, as the gloomy philofopher or the dif- 
appointed man of the world may imagine, that " what we 
think to be evil, God means for good." 

9- It was from fuch juft and enlarged views of nature 
and providence, and from a cor.fcioufhefs of his innocence 
and integrity, that Jofeph derived his chief fupport, while 
he was confined in the king's prifon in Egypt. He had the 
fatisfacHoa to reflect, that neither in the land of Canaan, 
nor in the houfe of Potinhar, had he committed any offence 
which merited the treatment he had received : 

10. He therefore hoped, that the Almighty Guardian 
of innocence would at length refcue him out of the hands 
of his oppreffors. Being in the fame prifon with one of the 
king's fervants who was foon to be releafed, he hoped to be 
able through his intereft to obtain his enlargement : 

11. He theiefore faid to h ; m, " Think on me when it 
fhall be well with thee, and (hew kindnefs I pray diee unto 
me, and make mention of me unto Pharaoh, and bring me 
out of this houfe ; for indeed I was ftolen away out of the 
land of the Hebrews, and here alfo have I done nothing 
that they mould put me into the dungeon." 

12. Reqfonable, however, as Jofeph's requeft was, and 
jaotwithftanding all the kindnefs he had fhewn to the king's 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 121 

fervant in prifon, he had the mortification to find, that on 
his advancement he no longer remembered the afflictions of 
his fellow prifoner : " Yet did not the chief butler remem- 
ber Jofeph, but forgat him." 

13. Deferted by all the world, Jofeph had now no re- 
iburce but in the God of his fathers. In him he ftill cheer- 
fully confided ; and he foon found, that " it is better to 
truft in the Lord than to put confidence in man." 

14. The fupernatural power of interpreting dreams with 
which he was endued, and which he had Uncovered in prif- 
on, introduced him to the prelence and notice of Pharaoh : 
and on account of the extraordinary fagacity which he dil- 
played, he was on a fudden railed from the difgraceful a- 
bode of malefactors to the firft place of honor and tmft un- 
der Pharaoh. 

15. Thus in one profperous moment all his afflictions 
were ended, and his virtues received an ample reward. 

16. The fame virtues which had guided and fupported 
this young man while he was in the humble condition of a 
fhepherd and a fervant, adorned and elevated his character 
when he was called to fill a fuperior ftation in the court of 
Egypt, and to act as prime minifter to the abfolute * y*\- 
arch of an extenfive empire. 

17. But, waving the confideration of his actions as a 
ftatefman, as lefs adapted to fuggeft moral inftruction, let 
us view him in the relations of a brother and a fon, and fol- 
low him through the intereiting and pathetic fcenes which 
the remaining part of his hi (lory exhibits, 

18. The famine which Jofeph had foretold reaching the 
country in which Jacob dwelt, and the wife precautions 

i which the king of Egypt had taken to prevent its deftruc- 
tive effects having been reported abroad, Jacob determined 
to fend his fons into Egypt to buy corn. 

19. On this errand all, except Benjamin, went up to the 
, court of Pharaoh. They foon gained accefs to the prime 
■* minifter, who himfelf fuperintended the fale of corn from 

the public granaries. 

i 20. The appearance of Zaph-Nath-Paaneah, the princi- 
pal officer under the king of Egypt, was fo entirely differ- 
ent from that of the afflicted and injured youth whom they 
L 



122 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

had fold to the Ifhmaelites, that it was impofllble for them 
to difcover that the perfon was the fame. 

21. Jofeph, at the inftant that he faw his brethren be- 
fore him, obferving that he was unknown to them, reiblved 
to keep them for a while in ignorance, that he might have 
an opportunity of difcovering their prefent difpofitions, and 
particularly of trying the ftrength of their affection for their 
father and their brethren. 

22. To carry on this defign, he affumed a fternnefs of 
afpecl:, and feverity of language, that ill accorded with the 
tender emotions which this interview had occafioned. 

23. He reproached them 'with coming into Egypt as 
fpies, and required that before they fhould be permitted to 
carry a fecond fupply of corn into Canaan, they fhould 
prove the truth of the account which they had given of them- 
felves, by bringing their younger brother along with them, 
and in the mean time fhould leave one of their number 
bound in prifon as a pledge for their return. 

24. This demand, which included in it fo many afflict- 
ing circumftances, involved them in the utmoft perplexity 
and diftrefs. In the hour of calamity, it is natural for the 
gi^ r y to upbraid themfelves, and aicribe their iufferings to 
their crimes. 

25. The horrid plot which they had formerly devi fed a 
gainft their brother's life, and their cruelty in turning a deaf 
ear to his cries, and abandoning him to all the vretchednefs 
of fiavery, now rofe before their imaginations in their true 
colors. 

26. Their confciences accufed them ; and they faid one 
to another, in their own language, " We are verily guilty 
concerning our. brother, in that we faw the anguifh of his 
foul when he befought us, and we would not hear, there- 
fore is this diftrefs come upon us." Jofeph was fo touched 
with this fcene that he was obliged to turn afide and weep. 

27* Determined however, to execute his defign, he foon 
refumed his counterfeited feverity, and perfifted in requir- 
ing them to bring their younger brother. 

28. When Jacob heard the hard conditions on which 
they were to expect the continuance of the neceffary fupplies 
of food, lie was beyond meaiure afflicted, and refufed to 
comply. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 123 

29. At length, however, finding that no other refource 
ained, he consented, and with a heart full of grief laid, 
it muft be fo now, take your brother, and ai'fe, go 
in unto the man ; and God Almighty give you mercy 
before the mail, that he may fend away your other brother 
Benjamin : if I be berieved of my children, I am be- 
reaved." 

'. On their fecond arrival in Egypt, the governor find- 
ing they had obeyed his orders, received them with great 
Inefs, and fo far indulged the natural feelings of his 
t as to inquire affectionately concerning their father, and 
give the young itranger a cordial welcome. 

31. " He a Iked them of their welfare, and faid, Is your 

er well ? the old man of whom ye fpake, is he yet a- 

live ? And they aniwered, thy fervant our father is in good 

health, he is yet alive ; and they bowed their heads, and 

made obeifance." 

32i And feeing Benjamin his mother's fon, he faid, " Is 
linger brother, of whom ye fpake unto me ? 
and he faid, God be gracious unto thee, my fon." 

33. The fcene now became too intereftmg to be fupport- 
ei Without the natural relief of tears : that he might not 
therefore prevent the complete execution of his purpofe by 
a premature difcovery, he retired into his chamber and 
wept there. 

Li4\ After having received feveral tokens of kiridnefs 

from the governor, they fct out with frefh fupplies of corn 

on their journey homewards ; but Joleph, who now became 

itient to oiicover himfeif to his brethren, made ufe of 

an artifice to recal them, and to give him an opportunity of 

ding the important fecret. 

ig ordered the filver cup out of which he drank 
to be pr: hiveyed into Benjamin's fack of corn, he 

called them back, charged them with the theft) and requir- 
ed that the perfon in whole fack it mould be found flioald 
be his fervav 

36. When the cup was found with Benjamin, all his 
brethren ceedingly afflicted for their father ; and Ju- 

fpeech, acquainted the governor 
all the particulars of the cafe, and entreated that lie 
might be permitted to remain a bondman indead of 
Betijamin. 



124 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

37. Jofeph was now fufficiently convinced that hh breth- 
ren retained a dutiful and affectionate regard for their fath- 
er, that, mutual harmony fubfiited among themfelves, and 
that^they fincerely repented of their former behavior to- 
wards him* 

8. It was enough : his generous heart defired no more. 
Unwilling to give them pain for a fingle moment longer 
than was neceffary to difcover their prelent difpofitions ; 

"39. . Unable, after what had palled, to difguile his feel- 
ings, and fupprefs the ftrong emotions that ftruggled with- 
in him ; commanding the attendants to withdraw, a flood 
of tears burft from his eyes, and he laid unto his brethren, 
" I am Jofeph. Doth my father yet live ? And his breth- 
ren could not anfwer him. 

40. And Jofeph faid unto his brethren, come near to me 
I pray you ; and- they came near ; and he faid, I am Jo- 
feph your brother, whom ye fold into Egypt : now there- 
fore be not grieved nor angry with yourfelves, that ye fold 
me hither ; for God did fend me before you to preferve 
life." 

41. Before we proceed with the narrative, let us paufe 
to admire the tender, generous and noble fpirit which Jo- 
feph difcovered through the whole of this intere fling fcene. 
His fudden and extraordinary advancement had not fo far 
elated his fpirit, as to render him capable of looking down 
with contempt on his brethren ; 

4£ Ab fence had not worn out the imprefiions, which 
natural relation and early connections had made ; nor had 
even the malicious barbarity of his brethren, in that fcene 
of his life which was too diftrefsful ever to be forgot ton, 
been able to tear afunder the bonds of nature. 

43. Though they had injured him beyond reparation ; 
though he had buffered fuch indignities and cruelties as 
r»ight have been iufficient lo have juftiricd the warmed 
feniment ; he ftill remembered that the perfons who had 
treated him in this manner were his brethren ; 

44. He ftill felt the powerful attractions of natural af- 
fection ; and, rinding them dilbofed to receive, and capable 
of enjoying, his friendlhip, he ufed his utmoft endeavors to 
cilabiiih a mutual and lading attachment. 

45. He did not fatisfy htmfeli with coldly alluring them 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR, 125 

that he had forgiven them ; he reftered them to a place in 
hiv heart, treated them with every external mark of kind- 
ness, and continued, through the remainder of his life, to 
render them the moft important and generous fervices. 

46. Such generofity as this, it is much eafier to admire 
than to imitate. When we are called to make the applica- 
tion, and to exhibit in our own conduct fimilar examples of 
of a forgiving temper, we are too apt to imagine that there 
are feme eflential peculiarities in our circumitances, which 
wiay ferve as a reasonable apology for indulging our re- 
fen tments. 

" . Though the injury we have fuffered may bear no pro- 
:ion to that which Jofeph knew how to forgive ; though 
no attempt has been made on our life, our liberty, or our 
property ; 

48. Though perhaps the offence that has been commit- 
ted amounts to nothing more than an angry word, a cenfo- 
rious reflection, a bold ■ contradiction of our opinion, or 
merely a violation of the rules of good breeding and pa* 
li ten efs ; 

49. Yet we find means to perfuade ourfelves that the 
culprit has no claim to forgivenefs, and that to perfiit in our 
refentment againft him is innocent and even laudable. The 
true reaibn of this is, that we do not in reality poffefs fo 
much of the genuine fpirit of benevolence and piety as we 
may perhaps perfuade others, and ourfelves, to imagine. 

50. Kow much ibever men may declaim on the excel- 
lence of charity, and boaft of their philanthropy, they are 
in reality deftitute of this divine principle, if it hath not 
taught them the leflbns of forbearance and forgivenefs ; 
" for charity fufTereth long, is not eaffiy provoked ; bear- 
eth all things ; endureth all things." 

51. Nor is a di pofition to refentment and revenge con- 
fident with a becoming regard to the Supreme Power ; for 
the genuine piinciples of religion would teach us, that even 
the paflions and vices of men, under the direction of the 
wife* Governor of the world, contribute towards the general 
erder and happinefs ; 

52. And would enabe us to bear with the infirmities of 
our brethren, with an humble reliance on that Providence 
"vhich can brin^ harmony out of difcord, good out of evik 

L 2 



126 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

It was on thefe principles that Jofeph reafoned, when he faid 
to his brethren, '« Ye thought evil againft me, but God 
meant it unto good." 

53. There is yet another part of Jofeph's hi (lory, which 
places his character in a peculiarly amiable point of view, 
and fuggefts the moft ufeful inftructions ; namely, his be- 
havior towards his father and his brethren, after he had 
made himfelf known to them. 

5 k Far from being afhamed of his defcent from an ob- 
fcure Canaanite, and his relation to a family of fhepherds, 
he rejoiced in the opportunity which his rank and authority 
gave him, of making the laft days of his aged parent eafy 
and comfortable, and granting his whole family an agreea- 
ble fettlement in Egypt. 

Had he been governed by thatfoolifh vanity, which 
in weak and depraved minds is often the effect of fudden el- 
evation, he would gladly have availed himfelf of the dii~ 
guile which his new ftation afforded him, and continued un- 
known to his brethren : he would rather have chofen to fup- 
prefs the efforts of natural affection on their unexpected ap- 
pearance before him, than to difgrace himfelf by acknowl- 
edging filch poor and obfcure relations : 

56. Or if, in the ft niggle between pride and natural af- 
fection, the latter had fo far prevailed, as to induce him to 
afford them fupport and afliftance, he would have thought 
the obligations of the filial and fraternal relations fufficient- 
ly difcharged, by privately granting them fupplies in their 
own country. 

57. But Jofeph was too wife, and too good, to fuffer a- 
ny portion of this contemptible fpecies of pride to find a 
place in his heart. The fir ft ideas which occurred to his 
mind, after the tender emotions which attended the difcov- 
ery of himfelf to his brethren had fubfided, were, not, 
" How (hall I avoid the difgrace which this difcovery will 
bring on me ? In what manner (hall I difpofe of thefe poor 
fhepherds, to efcape the ridicule and contempt of the cour- 
tiers, and the king my m after ?" 

58. But " How (hall I moft effectually employ my pow- 
er and influence in the fervice of my family ?" His meffage 
to his father by his brethren was this, " God hath made me 
lord of all Egypt ; come down unto me, tarry not, and 
thou Ihalt dwell in the land of Gotten \ 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 127 

59. And thou fhalt be near me 3 thou, and tny children, 
and thy children's children, and tfiy rl oeks, and thy herds, 
and all that thou halt, and there wiil I nourifh thee, left 
thou and thy houfhoid and all that thou haft come to pov- 
erty." 

60. Jofeph was perfuaded that a life of paftoral fimplic- 
ity would be much more agreeaole to his father and breth- 
ren, who had always followed the occupation of fhepherds, 
than the artificial elegancies And cererrn nies of the court ; 
he therefore fixed their refidence in one of the moft fertile 
and pleafant provinces of Egyp-, the land of Gofhen. 

61. When Jacob received the welcome news that his fon 
Jofeph was ftill living, and the kind meflage which he had 
commiflioned his brethren to deliver, his heart fainted for 
joy ; and on his revival he exclaimed, Ci It is enough ! my 
fon Jofeph is yet alive ! I will go and fee him before I die." 

62. He immediately executed his purpofe, and met with 
the moft afreclionate reception from his fon. " Jofeph made 
ready his chariot, and went up to meet his father, and pre- 
fented himfelf unto him, and he fell upon his neck, and 
wept on his neck a good while." 

63. The fir ft tender interview being over, Jofeph, nei- 
ther aihamed of his relations, nor afraid that their occupa- 
tion, which was efteemed dilhonorable by the Egyptians, 
ihould expofe them to difficulties, or fubjecl himfelf to ob- 
loquy, introduced his father and his brethren into the pref- 
ence of the king. As if proud of his connection with the 
venerable old man, " he brought in Jacob his father, and 
let him before Pharaoh." 

64. Let thofe who are fo much the flaves of vanity, as 
. to be capable of defpifmg their poor relations and aged par- 
ents, read this part of the hiftory of Jofeph, and blufh. 

65. There is fomuch contemptible folly in being aiham- 
ed to own a father or brother, becaufe fortune has not raif- 
ed him to the fame point of diftinction, or decked him with 

j the fame ornaments, with ourfelves ; that, without any oth- 
1 er evidence, we may certainly pronouuee the underftanding 
of the man who is capable of fuch conduct weak and de- 
fective. 

66. And this behavior withal implies fo much ingrati- 
tude and irieniibility, that we need not hefitate to deter- 



128 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

mine, that fuch a man is, in a great meafure at leaft, a 
flranger to the nobler and more generous virtues, and un- 
der the dominion of bafe and fordid paffions. 

67. If there be a perfon in the world entitled to our ret 
pe&ful attention, our affectionate efteem, and our aclive 
vices, it muft furely be the tender and faithful parent, v. ho 
has been the pi ote&or of our infant years, and the guide of 
our youth. 

68. Can any accidental diftinclions we may have acquir- 
ed, cancel our debt of gratitude, for the affiduous atten- 
tions and unceafmg attentions of a fond mother, or for the 
early and unwearied endeavors of a kind father to render 
us wife, virtuous and happy ? 

69. Rather, ought not every increafe of our fortune and 
confequence to furnifh us with an additional motive, as it 
affords us new opportunities, to contribute to the eafe and 
happinefs of our parents in their advancing years ? Can any 
thing be more perfuafive than the reafoning of the Son of 
Sirach on this head ? 

70. " Honor thy father with thy whole heart, and for- 
get not theforrows of thy mother ; for how can ft thou re- 
compenfe them the things that they have dene for thee ?" 



An Historical Sketch, from the Time of 

Abraham, to the American Revolution. 

1. MANKIND had not long been united into focieties 
before they fet thernfelves to opprefs and deftroy one anoth- 
er. Chaderlaomer, king of the^Elamites, or Periians, was 

' already become a robber and a conqueror. His force, how- 
ever, muft not have been very considerable, flnce, in one of 
thefe expeditions, Abraham, affifted only by his houfhold, 
fet on him in his retreat, and, after a fierce engagement, 
recovered all the fpoil that had been taken. 

2. Abraham was foon after obliged by a famine to leave 
Canaan, the country where God had commanded him to 
fettle, and to go into Egypt. This journey gives occafion 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 129 

to Mofes to mention fome particulars with regard to the E- 
gyptians, and every ftroke diicovers the characters of an im- 
:\\d powerful nation. 
The court of the Egyptian monarch is defcribed in 
:r t oft brilliant colors. He is furrounded with a crowd 
of courtiers, folely occupied in gratifying his paflions. The 
particular governments into which this country was divided, 
are now united under one powerful prince ; and Ham, who 
he colony into Egypt, is become the founder of a migh- 
ty empire. 

We are not, however, to imagine, that all the laws 
ch took place in Egypt, and which have been fo juftly 
admired for their wifdom, were the work of this early age. 
Diodorus Siculus, a Greek writer, mentions many fucceffive 
princes, who labored for trieir eftablifhment and perfection. 
But in the time of Jacob, two centuries after, the firft prin- 
ciples of civil order and regular government feem to have 
been tolerably underftood among the Egyptians. 

5. The country was divided into feveral diftricls or fep- 
arate departments ; councils, compofed of experienced and 
felecl peribns, were eftablifhed for the management of pub- 
lic affairs ; granaries for preferving corn were erected ; and, 
;e, the Egyptians in this age, enjoyed a commerce far 
i inconfiderable. Thefe facts, though of an ancient 
crve our particular attention. 
G. It is from the Egyptians, that many of the arts, both 
of elegance and utility, have been handed down in an un- 
interrupted chain to the modern nations of Europe. The 
;;tians communicated their arts to the Greeks ; the 
. mans many improvements botl^in the 
r ; and to the Romans, the present in- 
Eufope, - indebted lor their civility and re- 
nent. 

The kingdoms of Babylon and Nineveh remained 

: 1 lit we know not even the 

ned them, unlefs it be Nil 

.red by the ipirit of con que ft, 

- Babylon to his 

. that monai 

which, u: 

. 



130 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

8. Javan, fon of Japhet, and grand-fon cf Noah, is the 
flock from whom all the people known by the name of 
Greeks are defcended. Javan eitablifhed himfelf in the ifl- 
ands in the weftern coaft of Afia Minor, from whence it 
was impofiible that fome wanderers fhould not pafs over in- 
to Europe. 

9. The kingdom of Slcyon near Corinth, founded by 
the Pelafgi, is generally fuppofed to have commenced in the 
year before Chriit. two thoufand and ninety. To thefe 
firft inhabitants fucceed a colony from Egypt, who, about 
two thoufand years before the chriftian sera, penetrated into 
Greece, and, under the name of Titans, endeavored to ef- 
tablifh monarchy in this country, and to introduce into it 
the laws and civil policy of the Egyptians. 

10. But the empire of the Trtans foon fell afunder ; and 
the ancient Greeks, who feem at this time to be as rude and 
barbarous as any people in the world, again fell back into 
their lawlefs and favage manner of life. Several colonies, 
however, foon after palfed overVrom Afia into Greece, and 
by remaining in that country, produced a more coniidera- 
ble alteration in the manner of its inhabitants. 

11. The mod ancient of thefe were the colonies of Ina- 
chus and Ogyges ; of whom the former fettled in Argos, 
and the latter in Attica. We know very little of Ogyges 
or his fucceflbrs. Thofe of Inachus endeavored to unite the 
difperfed and wandering Greeks ; and their endeavors for 
this purpofe were not altogether unfuccefsful. 

12. But the hiftory of God's choien people, the Ifrael- 
ites, is the only one with which we are much acquainted 
during thofe ages- The train of curious events, which oc- 
cafioned the fettling of Jacob and his family in that pari of 
Egypt of which Tan is was the capital, are univerfally 
known. That patriarch died, according to the Septuagint 
verfion, one thoufand ieven hundred and ninety -four years 
before Chriit., but according to the Hebiew chronology, 
only one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-nine years, and in 
the year of the world two thoufand three hundred and fifteen. 

] 3. This is a remarkable aera with reipect. to the nations 
of heathen antiquity, and concludes that period of time 
which the Greeks confidered as altogether unknown, and 
wnich they have greatly disfigured by their fabulous narra- 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 131 

tions. Let us regard this period then in another point of 
view, and coufider what we can learn from the facred wri- 
tings, with refpect to the arts, manner^, and laws of ancient 
nations. 

H<. It is a common error among writers on this fubject, 
to coufider all the nations of antiquity as being on the lame 
footing with regard to thofe matters. They find fome na- 
tions extremely rude and barbarous, and hence they con- 
clude, that all w T ere in that fituation. They* difcover oth- 
ers acquainted with many arts, and hence they infer the 
wifdom of the fir It ages. 

15. There appears, however, to have been as much dif- 
ference between the inhabitants of the ancient world, in 
points of art and refinement, as between the civihzed king- 
doms of modern Eurgpe and the Indians in America, or 
the negroes on the coaft of Africa. 

16. Noah was undoubtedly acquainted with all the arts 
of the antediluvian world : the[e he would commun:ca:e to 
his children, and they again w r ould hand them down to 
their pofterity. 

17. Thole nations therefore w t 1io fettled nearer! the orig- 
inal feat of mankind, and who had the bell opportunities to 

' avail themielves of the knowledge of which their great an- 
ceftor was poffei!ed, early formed themfeives into regular 
focieties, and made confiderabie improvements in the arts 
which are moll iubiervient to human lite. 

18. Agriculture appears to have been known in the firft 
ages of the wwld. Noah cultivated the vine ; in the time 
of Jacob* the fig-tree and the almond were well known in 
the land of Canaan ; and the inftruments of hufbandry, 
long before the difcovery of them in Greece, are often men- 
tioned in the facred writings. 

19. It is hardly to be fuppofed, that the ancient cities, 
both in Afia and Egypt, w T hoie foundation, as we have al- 
ready mentioned, afcends to the remoter! antiquity, could 
have been built, unlefs the culture of tire ground had been 
pracliied at that time. Nations who live by hunting or paf- 
turage only, lead a wandering life, and feldom fix their ref- 
idence in cities. 

20. -Commerce naturally follows agriculture : and though 
we cannot trace the fteps by wkich it was introduced among 



132 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

the ancient nations, we may, from detached paflages in fa- 
cred writ, afcertain the progrefs which had been made in it 
during the patriarchal times. 

21. We know, from the hiftory of civil fociety, that the 
commercial intercourfe between men muft be pretty confid- 
erable, before the metals come to be confidered as the me- 
dium of trade ; and yet this was the cafe even in the days 
of Abraham. 

22. It appears, however, from the relations which ef- 
tablifh this fact, that the ufe of money had not been of an 
ancient date ; it had no mark to afcertain its weight or fine- 
nefs : and in a contract for a burying-place, in exchange for 
which Abraham gave fiiver, the metal is weighed in prcf- 
ence of all the people. 

23. But as commerce improved, and bargains of this 
fort became more common, this practice was laid afide, 

the quantity of fiiver was afccrtained by a particular mark, 
which faved the trouble of weighing it. But this does not 
appear to have taken place till the time of Jacob, the fccond 
from Abraham. 

24<. The nfilahy of which we read in his time, was a 
piece of money, ftampcd with the figure of a lamb, and of 
a precife and ftated value It appears, from the hiftory of 
Jofeph, that the commerce between different nations was by 
this time regularly carried on. 

25. The Ifhmaelites and Midianites, who bought him 
of his brethren, were travelling merchants, refembiing the 
modern caravans, who carried fpices, perfumes, and other 
rich commodities, from their own country into Egypt. The 
fame obfervations may be made from the book of Job, who, 
according to the beft writers, was a native of Arabia Felix, 
and alfo a contemporary with Jacob. 

26. He fpeaks of the roads of Thema and Saba, that is, 
of the caravans which let out from thofe cities of Arabia. 
If we reflect, that the commodities of this country were 
rather the luxuries than the conveniences of life, we fhall 
have reafon to conclude, that the countries into which they 
were fen': for fale, and particularly Egypt, were confidera- 
bly improved in arts and refinement : for people do not think 
of luxuries, till the ufeful arts have made high advancement 
among them. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. ISI 

7. In fpeaking o£ commerce, folly to 

dillinguifh between the foecies of it which ib carried on by 
land, or inland commerce, and that which is carried on 
fea : which lail kind of traffic is both later in its origin, and 
flower in its progreis. 

i Had the defendants of Noah been left to their own 
ingenuity, and received no tincture of the ant- 
knowledge from their wife anceliors, it is improbable that 
they fhould have ventured on navigating the open teas fo 
foon as we find they did. 

29. That branch of his poftcrity, who fettled on the 
coails of Paleftine, were the firft people of the world among 
whom navigation was made iubiervient to commerce : they 
were diftinguifhed by a word, which, in the Hebrew tongae, 
figntfies merchants, and are the ftune nation a 

to the Greeks by the name of Phoeni( Inhabiting a 

barren and ungrateful foil, they fet themielvesto better their 
fituation by cultivating the arts. , 

30. Commerce was their capital object : and, with all 
the writers of pagan antiquity, they pafs for the mvei 

of whatever is fubfervicnt to it. At the t ; Abraham 

they were regarded as a powerful nation ; th ttiihe 

commerce is mentioned by Jacob in his Laft words to his 
children ; and, if we may believe Herodotus in a matter of 
fitch remote antiquity, the Phoenicians had by th>s time nav- 
igated the coaits of Greece, and carried off the daughter of 
Inachus. 

31." The arts of agriculture, commerce and on, 

fuppofe the knowledge of feveral others ; aitronomy, f( 
fiance, or a knowledge of the iuuation and revolutions of 
the heavenly bodies, is neceifary both to agriculture and 
navigation ; that of working metals, to commerce ; and fo 
of other arts. 

32. In fadl, we rlr^d that before die death of Jacob, fev- 
eral nations were fo well acquainted with die revolutions of 
the moon, as to meafure by them the duration of their year. 

33. It had been an univerfal cuftom among all die na- 
tions of antiquity as weil as the Jews, to divide time into 
the portion of a week, or feven days : this undoubtedly a* 
role from the tradition with regard to die origin of die 
world. It was natural for thofe nations who led a paftoral 

M 



M THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

life, or who lived under a ferene fky, to obferve that the 
various appearances of the moon were completed nearly in 
four weeks : hence the divifion of a month. 

34. Thofe people again who lived by agriculture, and 
who had gotten among them the diviiion of the month, 
would naturally remark, that twelve of thefe brought back 
the fame temperature of the air, or the fame feafons : hence 
the origin of what is called the lunar year, which has every 
where taken place in the infancy of fcience. 

35. This, together with the obfervation of the fixed 
fiars, which, as we learn from the book of Job, muft have 
been very ancient, naturally paved the way for ti^ difcove- 
ry of ''the folar year, which at that time would be thought 
an immenfe improvement in aftronomy. 

36* But with regard to thofe branches of knowledge 
which we have mentioned, it is to be remembered, that they 
were peculiar to the Egyptians, and a few nations of Afla. 
Europe offers a frightful fpectacie during this period. 

37. Who could believe that the Greeks, who in later a- 
ges became the patterns of politenefs and every elegant art, 
were defcended from a lavage race of men, traverfing the 
woods and wilds, inhabiting the rocks and caverns, a wretch- 
ed prey to wild animals, and fometimes to one another ? 
This, however, is no more than what was to be ex peeled. 

38. The defcendants of Noah, who removed at a great 
diftance from the plains of Shinar, loft all connection with 
the civilized part of mankind. Their pofterity became ftill 
more ignorant ; and the human mind was at length funk 
into an abyfs of mifery and wretchednefs. 

39. We might naturally expect, that from the death of 
Jacob, and as we advance forward in time, the hiftory of 
the great empires of Egypt and Affyria would emerge from 
their obfeurity. This, however, is far from being the cafe : 
we only get a glimpfe of them, and they difappear entirely 
for many ages. 

40. After the reign of Ninius, who fucceeded Semira- 
mis and Ninus in the Affyrian throne, we find an aftonifh- 
Ing blank in the hiftory of this empire, for no lefs than eight 
hundred years. The filence of ancient hiftory on this fub- 
jea, is commonly attributed to the foftnefs and effeminacy 
of the lucceffors of Ninus, whofe lives afforded no events 
worthy of narration. 






PATRIOT'S MONITOR 



1 ] . Wars and con 

, \ hile the gentle and happy r 
and unrecord 
wonderful abilities, is fiipppfed to have imoi 
of E er Amenophis, who was (wallowed in the Red 

Sea Aont the year before Chrift one thoufand four hundred 
and ninety^two ; by his afliduity and attention, the civil 
military eitablifliments of the Egyptians received v \ 
fiderable improvements. 

42. Egypt, in the time of Sefoftris, and his imrr.edi 
fucceflc rsj was in all probability the molt powerful kingdom 
on earth, and, according to the bed calculation, is fup- 
pofcd to have contained twenty-feven millions of inha 
ants. But ancient hiftory often excites, without gr 

our curiofity : for, from the reign of Sefoftris to the.: 
Bocchoris, in the year before Chrift feven hundred and ei 
ty-one, we have little knowledge of even the names of 
intermediate princes. 

43. If we judge, however, from collateral 
ces, the country muft ftiil have continued in a very 

ing condition ; for Egypt continued to pour forth her colo- 
nies into dirt ant nations. 

44. Athens, that feat of learning and politenefs, that 
ol for all who afpire after wifdom, owes its foundal 

to Cecrops, who landed in Greece with an Egyptian colo- 
ny, and endeavored to civilize the rough manners of the 
original inhabitants. From . hich Geci 

eftablifhed among the Athenian?, it is eafy to 
fkuations they mud have lived before his arfh 
The laws of marriage, with which few 

s as to be altogether unacquaint. not 

known in Greece. Mankind, like the hearts of the f 
were propagated by accidental rencounters, and with li 
knowledge of thole to whom they owed their generation. 
Cranaus, who fucceeded Cecrops in the kingdom of Attica, 
purfued the fame beneficial plan, and endeavored by wife 
institutions, to bridle the keen paffions of a rude people. 

46. Whilft thefe princes ufed their endeavors for civiliz- 
ing this corner of Greece, the other kingdoms, into w] 
this country, by the natural boundaries of rocks, mountains 
nnd rivers, is divided, and which had bee: y peopled 



136 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

by colonies from Egypt and the eaft, began to affume fome 
appearance of form and regularity. 

47. This engaged Amphictyon, one of thofe uncommon 
geniufes who appear in the world for the benefit of the age 
in which they live, and the admiration of pofterity, to think 
of fome expedient by which he might unite in one i# 1 of 
politics the feveral independent kingdoms of Greece, and 
thereby deliver them from thofe inteftine diviiluns, which 
muft render them a prey to one another, or to the mil ene- 
my who might think proper to invade them. 

48. Thefe reflections he communicated to the kings, or 
lea dels of the different territories ; and by his eloquence and 
addrefs engaged twelve cities to unite together for their n u- 
tual preservation. Two deputies from each of thefe cities 
aiiembled twice a year at Thermopylae, and formed what, 
after the name of its founder, was called the Amphiclyonic 
council. 

49. In this a {Terribly, whatever related to the general in- 
tercil of the confederacy was difcuifed, and finally deter- 
mined. Amphictyon likewife, ienfible that thofe political 
connections are the moll lafting which are ttrengthened by 
religion, committed to the Amphictyons the care of the 
temple at Delphi, and of the riches which, from the dedi- 
cations of thoie who confulted the oracle, had been amaif- 
ed in it. 

50. This affembly, conftituted on fuch folid foundations, 
was the great fpring of action in Greece, while that coun- 
try preferved its independence ; and, by the union which it 
mfgired among the Greeks, enabled them to defend their 
liberties againft all the force of the Purlian empire. 

51. Confidering the circumftances of the age in which 
k was inflituted, the Amphictyonic council is perhaps the 
moft remarkable political eftabiithment which ever took 
place among mankind. In the year before Chi ill one then- 
fand three hundred and twenty-two, the Ifthmian games 
were initituted at Corinth ; and one thoufand three hundred 
and three the famous Oiyn pic games by Pelops. 

52. The Greek itates, who formerly had no connection 
with one another, except by mutual inroads and hoitiiities, 
foon began to act with concert, and to undertake diftant ex- 
peditions for the general intereft of the community. The 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

jirft of thefe was the obfcure expedition of the Argcma 
in which all Greece appears to have been concerned. 

53. The object of the Argonauts was to open the com*, 
merce of the Euxine fea, and to eftablifh colonies in the ad- 
jacent country of Colchis. The (hip Argo, which was the 
admiral of the fleet, is the only one particularly taken no- 
tice of ; though we learn from Homer, and other anci 
writers, that feveral fail were employed in this expedition. 

54. The fleet of the Argonauts was, from the ignorance 
of thofe who conducted it, long toifed about on different 
coafts. The rocks, at fome diftance from the mouth of the 
Euxine fea, ocean* oned great labor : they fent forward a 
light veflel, which paffed through, but returned with the 
lofs of her rudder. 

55. This is expreffed in the fabulous language C£ an- 
tiquity, by their fending out a bird which returned with the 
lofs of its tail, and may give us an idea of the allegorical 
obfeurity in which the other events of this expedition are 
involved. The fleet, however, at length arrived at IE 
the capital of Colchis, after performing a voyage, which, 
considering the mean condition of the naval art during 
age, was not lefs confiderable than the circumnavigation of 
the world by our modern difcoverers. 

56. From this expedition to that again ft Troy, which 
was undertaken to recover the fair Helena, a queen of Spar- 
ta, who had been carrried oif by Paris, fen of the Jrojan. 
king, the Gieeks muft have made a wonderful progrefs in 
power and opulence : no lefs than twelve hundred v, 
were employed in this voyage, each of which, at a medi- 
um, contained upwards of a hundred men. 

57. Thefe veffels, however, were 'but half decked ; ana 
it does not appear that iron entered at all into their conitruc- 
tion. If we add to thefe circumftances, that the Greeks 
had not the ufe of the faw, an inftrumenr fo necerfary to 
the carpenter, a modern mud form but a mean notion of the 
Strength or elegance of this fleet. 

58. Having thus confidered the ftate of Greece as a 
whole, let us examine the circumftances of the particular 
countries into which it was divided. This is of great im* 
portance to our prefent undertaking* becaufe it is in this 
country only that we can trace the origin ajid progrefs of 

M 2 



138 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR.- 

government, arts, and manners, which compofe fo great a 
part of oui prefent work. 

59. There appears originally to have been a very re- 
markable refembiance between the political fituation of the 
different kingdoms of Greece. They were governed each 
by a king, of rather by a chieftain, who was their leader in 
time of war, their judge in time of peace, and who pre fi- 
tted in the adminiitration of their religions ceremonies. This 

ce ; however, was far from being abiolute. 

60. In each fociety there were a number of other lead- 
ers, whole influence over their particular clans, or tribes, 
was not leis confiderable than that of the king over his irr> 
medlate followers. Theie captains were often at war with 
one another, and fometimes with their iovereign. Such a 
fituation was, in all refpecls, extremely unfavorable : each 
particular (fate was in miniature what the whole country 
had been before the time of Amphich on. 

61. They required the hand of another delicate painter 
to fhade the oppoiite colors, and to enable them to produce 
one powerful effect. *The hi ft cry of Athens affords us 
example of the manner in which thefe Hates, that, for want 
of union, were weak and iniigni Meant, became, by being 
cemented together, important and powerful. 

62. Thefeus king of Attica, about the year before Chrift 
one thoufand two hundred and thirty-four, had acquired a 
great reputation by his exploits of valor and ability. He 
law the inconveniences to which his country, from being di- 
vided into twelve diltricls, was expofed ; and he conceived, 
that by means of the influence which his perianal character, 
united to the royal authority with which he was inverted, 
had univerfally procured him, he might be able to remove 
them. 

63. For this purpofe he endeavored to maintain and 
even to increafe, his popularity amon*; the peafants and ar- 
tifans : he detached, as much- as .poffible, the different tribes 
from the leaders who commanded them : he abolifhed the 
courts which had been elf ablifhed in different parts of Atti- 
ca, and appointed one council-hall common to all the A- 
ihenians. 

64. Thefeus, however, did not truft folely to the force 
of political regulations. He called to his aid all the power 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 139 

©f religious prejudices ; by eftablifhing common rites of re- 
ligion to be performed in Athens, and by inviting thither 
ftrangers from all quarters, by the profped of protection 
and privileges, he railed this city from an inconiiderable 
village to a powerful metropolis. 

65 The fplendor of Athens and of Thefeus now total- 
ly eciipfed that of the other villages and t&eir particular 
leaders. All the power of the ftate was united in one city, 
and under one foyereiga. The petty chieftains, who had 
formerly occaiioned fe much cor.iufion, by being diveited 
of all influence and confideration, became huh ble ana fub- 
mitlive ; and Attica remained under the peaceable s^vern- 
ment of a monarcii. 

66* This is a rude Sketch of the origin of the firPr mon- 
archy of which we have a difiinct account, and may with- 
out much variation, be applied to the other Hates of Greece. 
This country, however, was not cLftined to continue long 
under the government of kings. A new influence arofe, 
which in a fhort time proved too powerful both for the king 
and the nobles. _ 

67. Thefeus had divided die Athenians into three dif- 
tind claffes ; the nobles, the artifans, and the huibandmen. 
In order to abridge the exorbitant power of the nobles, he 
had beftowed many privileges on the two other ranks of 
perfons. 

68. This plan of politics was followed by hisfuccelTors , 
and the lower ranks of the Athenians, partly from the coun- 
tenance of their fovereign, and partly from the progrefs of 
arts and manufactures, which gave them an opportunity of 
acquiring property, became coniiderable and independent. 
Thefe circumftances were attended with a remafkable 
effedh 

69. On the death of Codrus, a prince of great merit, in 
the year before (Thrift one thoufand and feventy, the Athe- 
nians, become weary of the regal authority, under pretence 
of rinding no one worthy of filling the throne of that mon- 
arch, who had devoted himfeif to death for the fafety of his 
people, aboliined the regal power, and proclaimed that none 
but Jupiter fhouid be king of Athens. 

70. This revolution in favor of liberty was ih much the 
more remarkable, as it happened foon after that She Jews 



HO THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

became unwilling to remain under the government of the 
true God, and defired a mortal fovereign, that they might 
be like other nations 

71. The government of Thebes, another of the Grecian 
ftates, much about the fame time, affumed the republican 
form. Near a century before the Trojan war, Cadmus, 
with a cololy from Phoenicia, had founded this city, which 
from that time had been governed by kings. But the lail 
fovereign being overcome in fingle combat, by a neighbor- 
ing prince, the Thebans aboliihed the regal power. 

72. Till the days however of Pelopidas and Epaminon- 
das, a, period of feven hundred years, the Thebans perfor- 
med n&hing worthy of the republican fpirit. Other cities 
of Greece, after the examples of Thebes and Athens, erect- 
ed themfelves into republics. 

73. But the revolutions of Athens and Sparta, two ri- 
val ftates, which, by zryans of the fuperiority they acquir- 
ed, gave the tone, to the manners, genius and politics of the 
Greeks, deferve our principal attention. We have jfeen a 
tender moot of liberty fpring up. in the city of Athens, on 
the deceafe of Codrus, its laft fovereign. This ihoot eq- 
ually improved into a vigorous plant - y and it cannot but be 
pleafant to obferve its progrefs. 

74. The Athenians, by abolifhing the name of king, 
did not entirely fubvert the regal authority : they i 

ed a perpetual magi ft rate', who, under the name of Archon, 
was inverted with almeft the fame rights which their kings 
had enjoyed. The Athenians, in time, became fenfible, 
that the archonic office was too lively an image of royalty 
for a free Mate. 

75. After it had continued th three hundred and 
thirty-one years in the family of Codrus, they endeavored 
to leilen its dignity, not by abridging its power, but by 
fhortening its duration. The fir ft period auigned for the 
continuance of the archonjhip in the fame hands, was three 
years. But the defire of the Athenians for a more perfect 
fyftem of freedom than had hitherto been eftabliihed, in- 
creafed in proportion to the liberty they enjoyed. 

76. They again called for a freih reduction of the pow- 
er of their archons ; and it was at length determined that 
nine annual magiftrates ihould be appointed for this office. 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 141 

Thefe magistrates were not only chofen by the people, but 
accountable to them for their conduct at the expiration of 
their office. 

77. Thefe alterations were too violent not to be attend- 
ed with fome dangerous confequences. The Athenians, rn- 
toxicat-jJ with their freedom, broke out into the moft unru- 
ly and licentious behavior. 

. No written laws had been as yet enacted in Athens, 
and it was hardly poffiole that the ancient cuftoms of the 
realm, which were naturally fuppofed to be in part abolifh- 
ed by the fucceffive changes in the government, mould iuf- 
ficiently reftram the tumultuary fp>rits of the Athenians, 
in the firfl flutter of their independence. 

19. This engaged the wifer part of the date, who be- 
gan to prefer any fyftem of government to their prefent an- 
archy and confufion, to caft their eyes en D aco, a man of 
an auftere but virtuous difpofition, as the fittett. perfon for 
compofing a fyftem of law, to bridle the furious and unru- 
ly manners of their countrymen. 

80. Draco undertook the office about the year fix hun- 
dred and twenty-eight, but executed it with fo much rigor, 
that, in the words of an ancient hiilorian, " His laws were 
written with blood, and not with ink." Death was the in- 
difcriminate punifliment of eve ..re, and the laws of 
Draco were found to be a remedy werfe than the difea. 

81. Affairs again returned into confufion and diforder, 
and remained fo till the time of Solon, who died in the year 
before Chrift five hundred and forty-nine. The gentle man- 
ners, difmtere ,m more than human, by 
wnich this iage was diilinguifhed, pointed him out as the 

character adapted to the moft important v : all offices, 
tlK people. 

82. Solon, thou ,h this merit was affigned him by 
the unanimous voice of his country, long deliberated v I 
erhe lliouid undertake it. At ier-g:h, however, the motives 

ublic utility overcame all confideratu ns of private eafe, 
fafety, and repntation, and determined him to enter an ocean 
pregnant with a thouTand dangers. 

83. The firft ftep of his legiilation was to abolifli all the 
laws of Draco, excepting thoie relative to murder. The 
punifhment of this crime cou-d not be too great j but to 



142 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR, 

confider other offences as equally criminal, was to confound 
all notions of right and wrong, and to render the law inef- 
, fectual by means of its feverity. 

84. Solon next proceeded to new model the political 
law ; and his eftahliihments on this head remained among 
the Athenians, while they preferved their liberties. He 
feems to have fet out with this principle, that a perfect re- 
public, in which each citizen fhould have an equal political 
importance, was a fyftem of government, beautiful indeed 
in theory, but not reducible to practice. 

85. He divided the citizens therefore into four claffes, 
according to the wealth which they porTeifed, and the poor, 
eft clafs he rendered altogether incapable of any public of- 
fice. 

86. They had a voice, however, in the general council 
of the nation, in which all matters of principal concern 
were determined in the laft refort. But left this afiembly, 
which was compofed of all the citizens, ihould, in the words 
of Plutarch, like a fhip with too many fails, be expofed to 
the guft of folly, tumult, and diforder, he provided for its 
fafety by the two anchors of the fenate and areopagus. 

87. The firft of thefe courts coniifted of four hundred 
perfons, a hundred out of each tribe of the Athenians, who 
prepared all important bills that came before the ailembly 
of the people ; the fecond, though but a court of juftice, 
gained a prodigious afcendancy in the republic, by the 
dom and gravity of its members, who were not chofen, but 
after the ftricleft fcrutiny, and the moil ferious deliberation. 

88. Such was the fyftem of government eftabliihed by 
Solon, which, the nearer we examine it, will afford the 
more matter for our admiration. On the fame plan moft 
of the other ancient republics were eftablifhed. To infill on 
all of them, therefore, would neither be entertaining nor 
inftructive. 

89. But the government of Sparta, or Lacedxmon, had 
fomething in it fo peculiar, that the great lines of it at leafl 
ought not to be omitted even in a delineation of this fort. 
Sparta, "like the other ftates of Greece, was originally divi- 
ded into a number of petty principalities, of which each was 
under the jurifdiclion of its own immediate chieftain. Le- 
lex is laid to be the firft king, about the year before Chrift 
one thoufand five hundred and fixteen. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 143 

90. At length, the two brokers Eurifthenes and Pro- 
cles, getting poiTeffion of this country, became conjunct in 
the royalty ; and, what is extremly finguiar, their posteri- 
ty, in the direct line, continued to rule conjunctly for nine 
hundred years, ending with Cleomenes, in the year two 
hundred and twenty before the chriflian aera. 

91. The Spartan government, however, did not take 
that finguiar form which renders it fo remarkable, till the 
time of Lycutgus, the celebrated legiilator. The plan of 
policy devifed by Lycurgus, agrted with that already des- 
cribed in comprehending a fenate and affembly of the peo- 
ple, and in general in all thofe eftablifhments which are 
deemed mod requifite for the fecurity of political indepen- 
dence. 

92. It differed from that of Athens, ,and indeed from 
all other governments, in having two kings, whofe office 
was hereditary, though their power was fitfficiently circum- 
fcribed by proper checks and reftramts. But the great char- 
acteristic of the Spartan conftitution arofe from this, that m 
all laws, Lycurgus had at leaf! as much refpect to war as 
to political liberty* 

93. With this view, all forts of luxury, all arts of el- 
egance or entertainment, every thing, in ihort, which had 
the fmalleit tendency to foften the minds 9f the Spartans, 
was abfolutely profcribed. 

94*. They were forbidden the ufe of money, they lived 
at public tables on the coarfeii fare, the younger were taught 
to pay the utmofi reverence to the more advanced in years, 
and all ranks, capable to bear arms, were daily accuftom- 
ed to the mod painful exercifes. 

95. To the Spartans alone war was a relaxation rather 
than a hardfhip, and they behaved in it with a fpirit of 
which hardly any but a Spartan could even form a concep- 
tion. 

96. In order to fee the effect of thefe principles, and -to 
connect under one point of view the hiftory of the different 
quarters of the globe, we mult now cail our eyes on Alia, 
and obferve the events which happened in thofe great em- 
pires, of which we have fo long loft fight. 

97. We have already mentioned in what obfcurity the 
hlflory of Egypt is involved, till the reign of Bocchoris. 



144 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

From this period, to the difiblution of their government by 
Cambyfes of Perfia, in the year before Ghrift five hundred 
and twenty-four, the Egyptians are more celebrated for the 
wifdom of their laws, and political inftitutions, than for 
the power of their arms. 

98. Several of thefe feem to have been dictated by the 
true fpirit of civil wi.dom, and were admirably calculated 
for preferving order and good government in an ex ten live 
kingdom. The great empire of Affyria liktwife, which 
had lb long difappeared, becomes again an object of atten- 
tion, and affords the firft inftance we meet with in hiilory, 
of a kingdom which feiiafunder by its own weight, and the 
effeminate weaknefs of its ibvereigns. 

99. Sardanapalus, the laft emperor of Alfyria, neglect- 
ing the adminiitration of affairs, and fhutting himfelf in his 
palace with his women and eunuchs, fell into contempt 
With his mbjects. The governors of his provinces, to 
whom like a weak and tfcdolent prince, he had entirely 
committed the command of his armies, did not fail to lay 
h xd of this opportunity of railing tlu'ir own fortune on tht 
ruins of their matter's power. % 

100. Arbaces governor of Media, and Bel ei is governor 
of Babylon, con;pire agtoSnfi: their iovereign, fet fire to his 
capital^ in which Sardanapalus periihed, before Chrrft eight 
hundred and twenty, and divide between them hisextenfive 
dominions. Thefe two kingdoms, fometimes united under 
one prince, and fometimes governed each by a particular 
fovereign, maintained the chief fway of Alia for many 
years. 

101. Phul revived the kingdom of Aflyria before Chrift 
{even hundred and feveuty-iewn, and Shalmanezer, one of 
his fucceifors, put an end to the kingdom of Ilrael, and car- 
ried the ten tribes captive into Aifyria and Media, before 
Chriit. feven hundred and twenty-one. Nebuchadnezzar 
king of Babylon alio, in the year before Chrift five hun- 
dred and eighty-feven, overturned the kingdom of Judah, 
which had continued in the family of David from the year 
one thoufand and fifty-five, and mattered all the countries 
around him. 

102. But in the year Rve hundred and thirty-eight, O- 
rus the great took Babylon, and reduced this quarter of tie 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 145 

world under the Perfian yoke. The manners of this people 
as brave, hardy, and independent, as well as the govern- 
ment of Cyrus, in all its various departments, are elegant- 
ly defcribed by Xenophon, a Grecian philofopher and hif- 
torian. 

103. It is not neceiTary, however, that we fhould enter 
on the fame detail on this fubject, as with regard to the af- 
fairs of the Greeks. We have, in modern times, fufficient 
examples of monarchical governments : but how few a;e 
our republics ? 

104. But the aera of Cyrus is in one refpecl extremely 
remarkable ; befide delivering the Jews from their captivi- 
ty, becaufe, with it the hiliory of the great nations of an- 
tiquity, which has hitherto engaged our attention, may be 
fuppofed to finifh. Let us confider then the genius of the 
Aifyrians, Babylonians, and Egyptians, in arts and fcien- 
ces j and if poflible, difcover what progrefs they had made 
in thofe acquirements, which are mod iubfervient to the in- 
terefts of fociety. 

105. The tafte for the great and magnificent, feems to 
have been the prevailing character of thefe nations ; and 
they principally difplayed it in their works of architecture. 
There are no veftiges, however, now remaining, which con- 
firm the teftimony of ancient writers, with regard to the 
great works which adorned Babylon and Nineveh : neither 
is it clearly determined in what year they were begun or 
finiflied. 

106. There are three pyramids, ftupendous fabrics, flill 
remaining in Egypt, at fome leagues di (lance from Cairo, 
and about nine miles from the Nile, which are fuppofed to 
have been the burying places of the ancient Egyptian kings. 
The largeft is five hundred feet in height, and two thoufand 
fix hundred and forty broad each way at bottom. The apex 
is thirteen feet fquare. The fecond ftands on as much 
ground as the firft, but is forty feet lower. 

107. It was a fuperftition among this people, derived 
from the earlieft times, that even after death the foul con- 
tinued in the body as long as it remained uncorrupted. 
Hence proceeded the cuftom of embalming, or of throwing 
into the dead body fuch vegetables as experience had difcov- 
ered to be the greateli prefervatives againil putrefaction. 

N 



m THE PATRIOT'S. MONITOR. 

108. The pyramids were erected with the farce view. 
In them the bodies of the Egyptian kings were concealed. 
This expedient, together with embalming, as thefe fuper- 
ftitious monarchs conceived, would inevitably fecure a fafe 
and comfortable retreat for their fouls after death. 

109. From what we read of the walls of Babylon, the 
temple of Belus, and other works of the eaft, and from what 
travellers have recorded of the pyramids, it appears that 
they were really fuperb and magnificent ftructures, but to- 
tally void of elegance. The orders of architecture were 
not yet known, nor even the conftrucling of vaults. 

110. The arts, in which thefe nations, next to architec- 
ture, principally excelled, were fculpture and embroidery. 
As to the fciences, they had all along continued to beftcw 
their principal attention on aftronomy. It does not appear, 
however, that they made great progrefs in explaining the 
caufes of the phenomena of the univerfe, or indeed in any 
fpecies of rational and found philofophy. 

111. To demonftrate this to an intelligent reader, it is 
fufficient to obferve, that, according to the teftimony of fa- 
cred and profane writers, the abfurd reveries of magic and 
aftrology, which always decreafe in proportion to the ad- 
vancement of true fcience, were in h;gh elleem among 
them, during the lateft period of their government. 

112. The countries which they occupied were extreme- 
ly fruitful, and afforded without much labor all the neceffa- 
ries, and even luxuries of life. They had long been accui- 
tomed to a civilized and polifhed life in great cities. Thefe 
circumftances had tainted their manners with effeminacy 
and corruption, and rendered them an eafy prey to the Per- 
fians, a nation juft. emerging from barbarifm, and of con- 
fequence brave and warlike. 

113. This was ft ill more eafy in the infancy of the mil- 
itary art : when flrength and courage were the only circurn* 
fiances which gave the advantage to one nation over anoth- 
er ; when, properly fpeaking, there were no fortified places, 
which in modern times have been difcovered to be fo ufeful 
in flopping the progrefs of a victorious enemy ; and when 
the event of a battle commonly decided the fate of an em- 
pire. But we muft now turn our attention to other objects. 

114. The hiilory of Perfia, after the reign of Cyrus, 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 117 

who died in the year before Chiifl five hundred and twenty- 
nine, offers little, confidered in itfelf, that merits our re- 
gard : but when combined with that of Gieece, it becomes 
particularly interefting. The monarchs who fucceeded Cy- 
rus, gave an opportunity to the Greeks to exercife thole vir- 
tues, which the freedom of their government had created 
and confirmed. 

11, 5u Sparta remained under the influence of Lycurgus' 
rnftitutions : Athens had juft recovered from the tyranny 
of the Pififlratidx', a family who had trampled on the laws 
of Solon, and ufurped the fupreme power. Such was their 
fituation, when the luft of univerfal empire, which feldom 
fails to torment the breaft of tyrants, led Darius (at the in- 
fligation of Hippias, who had been expelled from Athens, 
and on account of the Athenians burning the city of Sar- 
dis,) to fend forth his numerous armies into Greece. 

116. But the Perfians were no longer thofe invincible 
foldiers, who, under Cyrus, had conquered Afia. Their 
minds were enervated by luxury and fervitude. A then?, on 
the contrary, teemed with great men, whofe minds were no- 
bly animated by the late recovery oi their freedom. Miiti- 
ades, in the plains of Marathon, with ten thoufand Atheni- 
ans, overcame the Perfian army of a hundred thoufand foot, 
and ten thoufand cavalry. 

117. His countrymen, Themiftocles and Ariitides, the 
firft celebrated for his abilities, the fecond for his virtue, 
gained the next hoYiors to the general. It does not fall with- 
in our plan to mention the events of this war, which, as 
nobleft monuments of virtue over force, of courage over 
numbers, of liberty over fervitude, deferve to be read at 
length in ancient writers. 

118. Xerxes, the fon of Darin?, came in perfon into 
Greece, with an immenfe army, which, according to Her- 
odotus, amounted to two millions and one hundred thou- 
fand men. This account ha-s been juftly coniidered, by 
iome ingenious modern writers, as incredible. 

119. The truth connot now be afcertained : but that 
the army of Xerxes was extremely numerous, is the more 
probable, from the great extent of his empire, and from 
the ahfurd practice of the eaitern nations, of encumbering 
their camp with a faperfluous multitude. 



148 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

120. Whatever the numbers of his army were, he was 
every where defeated, by lea and land, and efcaped to Afia 
in a fifhing boat. Such was the fpirit of the Greeks, and 
fo well did they know' that " wanting virtue, life is pain 
and woe ; that wanting liberty, even virtue mourns, and 
looks around- for happinefs in vain." 

121. But though the Perfian war concluded glorioufly 
for the Greeks, it is, in a great meafure, to this war^ that 
the fubfequent misfortunes of that nation are to be attribut- 
ed. It was not the battles in which they fuffered the lofs of 
fo many brave men, but thofe in which they acquired an 
immenfity of Perfian gold ; 

122. It was not their enduring fo many hardfhips in the 
courfe of the war, but their connection with the Perfians, 
after the conclufion of it, which fub verted the Grecian ef- 
tablifhments, and ruined the moft virtuous confederacy that 
ever exifled on earth. 

123. The Greeks became haughty after their victories : 
delivered from the common enemy, they began to quarrel 
with one another : their quarrels were fomented by Perfian 
gold* of which they had acquired enough to make them 
defirous of more. Hence proceeded the famous Pelopon- 
nefian war, in which the Athenians and Lacedaemonians 
acled as principals, and drew after them the other flates of 
Greece. 

12i. They continued to weaken themfelves by thefe in- 
reft ine divifions, till Philip king of Macedon (a country till 
time little known, but which, by the active and crafty 
w mi us of this prince, became important and powerful,) 
lered himielf the abfolute mafler of Greece, by the bat- 
tle of Chercnaea. 

125. But this conqueft is one of the firft we meet in hit 
lory which did not depend on the event of a battle. Philip 
had laid his fchemes fo deeply, and by bribery, promifes, 
and intrigues, gained over fuch a number of confiderable 
perfons in the feveral dates of Greece^ to his intereit, that 
her day would have put in his pofieffion what Cheronsea 
ha 1 denied him. The Greeks had loft that virtue, which 
was the bafis of their confederacy. 

12(3. Their popular governments ferved only to give a 
1 ion to their licentiouineis and corruption. The princN 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. H9 

pal orators, in mofl of their ftates, were bribed into the fyr- 
vice of Philip ; and all the eloquence of a Demofthanes, af- 
filed by truth and virtue, was unequal to the mean, but 
more feductive arts of his opponents, who, by flattering the 
people, ufed the fureft method of winning their affections. 

127. Philip had propofed to ex' end the boundaries of 
his empire beyond the narrow limits of Greece. But lie 
did not lonp* furvive the battle of Cherorteea. On his de- 

o 

ceafe, his {on Alexander was chofen general againil the Per- 
sians, by all the Grecian dates, except the Athenians and 
Thebans. 

128. Thefe made a feeble effort for expiring liberty. 
But they were obliged to yield to fuperior force. Secure on 
the fide of Greece, Alexander fet out on his Perfian expe- 
dition, at the head of thirty thoufand foot, and rive thou- 
iand horfe. 

129. The fuccefs of this army in conquering the whole 
force of Darius, in three pitched battles, in over-running 
and fubduing not only the countries then known to the 
Greeks, but many parts of India, the very names of which 
had never reached an European ear, has been defcribed by 
many authors both ancient and modern, and conftitutes a 
Angular part of the hi 11 or y of the world. 

130. Scon after this rapid career of victory and fuccefs, 
Alexander died at Babylon. His captains, after (acrificing- 
all his family to their ambition, divided among them his do- 
minions. This gives rife to a number of seras and events 
too complicated for our prefent purpofe, and even too unin- 
tere fling. 

13.1. After confidering therefore the ftate of arts and 
fciences in Greece, we fliall pais over to the Roman affairs, 
where the hiftorical deduction is more fimple, and alio more 
important. 

132. The bare names of illuftrious men, who flouriflied 
in Greece from the time of Cyrus to that of Alexander,, 
would fill a large volume. During this period, all the arts 
were carried to the higher! pitch of perfection ; and the im- 
provements we have hitherto mentioned, were but the dawn- 
ings of this glorious day. 

133. Though the eaflern nations had railed magnificent 
and ftupendous ftruclures, the Greeks wese the firft people 

N 2 



IdO THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

in the world, who, in their works of architecture, added 
beauty to magnificence, and elegance to grandeur. The 
temples of Jupiter Olympus, and the Ephefian Diana, are 
the iirft monuments of good talte. 

134. They were erecled by the Grecian colonies, who 
fettled in Afia Minor, before the reign of Cyrus. Phidias, 
the Athenian, who died in the year before Chrift four hun- 
dred and thirty-two, is the firft fculptor whofe works have 
been immortal. Zeuxis, Parrhafius, and Timantheus, dur- 
ing the fame age, flril difcovered the power of the pencil, 
and all the magic of painting. 

135. Compofition, in all its various branches, reached 
a degree of perfection in the Greek language, of which a 
modern reader can hardly form an idea. After Hefiod and 
Homer, who flourinVd one thoufand years before the chrif- 
tian aera, the tragic poets iEfchylus, Sophocles, and Euri- 
pides, were the firft confiderable improvers of poetry. He- 
rodotus gave fimplicity and elegance to profaic writing. 

136. liberates gave it cadence and harmony, but it v, 
left to Thucydides and Demofthenes, to difcover the full 
force of the Greek tongue. It was not however in the finer 
arts alone that the Greeks excelled. Every fpecies of phil- 
ofophy was cultivated among them with the utmoft fuccefs. 

1 37. Not to mention the divine Socrates, the virtue of 
whofe life, and the excellence of whofe philofophy, juftiy 
entitled him to a very high degree of veneration ; his three 
difciples, Plato, Ariftotle, and Xenophon, may, for ftrength 
of reafoning, juftnefs of fentiment, and propriety of ex- 
preffion, be put on a footing with the writers of any age or 
country.- 

138. Experience, indeed, in a long courfe of years, has 
taught us many fecrets in nature, with which thefe philofo- 
phers were unacquainted, and which no ftrength of genius 
could divine. But whatever fome vain empirics in learning 
may pretend, the moft learned and ingenious men, both in 
France and England, have acknowledged the fuperiority of 
the Greek philofophers ; and have reckoned themfelves hap- 
py in catching their turn of thinking, and manner of ex- 

preffion. 

139. But the Greeks were not lefs diftinguilhed for their 
native than for their fpeculative talents. It would be end- 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. UU 

lefs to recount the names a£ their famous ftatefmen and war- 
riors, ariJ it is impoffible to mention a few without doing in- 
justice lo a greater number. War was fir it reduced into a 
fcience by the Greeks. 

140. Their foldiers fought from an affection to their 
country, and an ardor for glory, and not from a dread of 
their fuperiors. We have feen the effect of th's military vir- 
tue in their wars again it the Perfians : the caufe of it was 
the wife laws which Amphictyon, Solon, and Lycurgus had 
eitabliOiLd in Greece. 

141. But we mud now leave this nation, whofe hiftory, 
both civil and philofophical, is as important as their territo- 
ry was inconfiderable, and turn our attention to the Roman 
affairs, which are frill more interesting, both on their own 
account, and from the relation in which they (land to thofe 
of modern Europe. 

142. The character of Romulus, the founder of the 
Roman Rate, when we view him as the leader of a few law- 

- lefs and wandering banditti, is an object of extreme insig- 
nificance. But when we confider him* as the founder of an 
empire as exteniive as the world, and whofe progrefs and 
decline have occafioned the two greateft revolutions that ev- 
er happened in Europe, we cannot help being intereiled in 
his conduct. 

143. His difpofrtion was extremely martial ; and the po- 
litical ftate of Italy, divided into a number of imall but in- 
dependent diftricts, afforded a noble field for the diiplay of 
military talents. Romulus was continually embroiled with 
one or other of his neighbors ; and war was the only em- 
ployment by which he and his companions expected not on- 
ly to aggrandize themielves, but even to fubfift. 

144. In the conduct of his wars with the neighboring 
people, we may obferve the fame maxims by which the Re- 
mans afterwards became mailers of the world. Inftead of 
deitroying the nations he had fubjecled, he united them to 
the Roman ftate, whereby Rome acquired a new acceflion 
of ftrength from every w r ar fhe undertook, and became pow- 
erful and populous from that very circumftance which ruins 
and depopulates other kingdoms. 

145. If the enemies, with which he contended, had, by 
means of the art or arms they employed, any coniiderable 



152 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

advantage, Romulus immediately adopted that practice, or 
the ufe of that weapon, and improved the military fydem 
of the Romans by the united experience of all their ene- 
mies. 

146. We have an example of both thefe maxims, by 
means of which the Roman it ate arrived at fiich a pitch of 
grandeur, in the war with the Sabines. Romulus having 
conquered that nation, not only united them to the Romans, 
but finding their buckler preferable to the Roman, indantly 
threw afide the latter, and made ufe of the Sabine buckler 
in fighting againft other (hues. 

147. Romulus, though principally attached to war, did 
not altogether neglecl the civil policy of his infant kingdom. 
He indituted what was called the fenate, a court originally 
compofed of a hundred perfons, didinguifhed for their wif- 
dom and experience. 

148. He enaitcd laws for the admiiiidration of judice, 
and for bridling the fierce and unruly pallions of his follow- 
ers ; and after a long reign fpent in promoting the civil or 
military interefts of his country, was, according to die mod 
probable conjecture, privately aifailinated by fome of the 
members of that fenate, which he himfelf had inftituted. 

149. The fuccetfors of Romulus were all very extraor- 
dinary perfonages. Numa, who came next to him, edab- 
liihedthe religious ceremonies of the Romans, and infpired 
them with that veneration for an oath, which was ever after 
the foul of their military difcipline. Tullns Hodilius, An- 
cus Martins, Tarquinius Prifcus, and Servius Tullus, la- 
bored each during his reign for the grandeur of Rome. 

150. But Tarquinius Superbus, the feventh and lad 
king, having obtained the crown by the execrable murder 
of his father-in-law Servius, continued to fupport it by the 
mod cruel and infamous tyranny. This, together with the 
ittfolence of his fon Sextus Tarquinius, who, by dimonoring 
Lucretia, a Roman lady, affronted the whole nation, occa- 
sioned the expulfion of the Tarquin family, and with it the 
difTblution of the regal government. 

151. As the Romans, however, were continually enga- 
ged in war, they found it necetfary to have fome officer in- 
veded with fupreme authority, who might condud them to 
the field, and regulate their military enterprifes. In the 



THE PAT&IOT's MONITOR. 253 

room of thefe l : ngs, therefore, they appoioted two annual 
magiftrates called confuls, who, without creating the fame 
jealoufy, fucceeded to all the powers of their fovereigns. 

1 52. This revolution was extremely favorable to the Ro- 
man grandeur. The confuls, who enjoyed but a tempora- 
ry power, were defirons of fignalizing their reign by fome 
great action : each vied with thofe who had gone before 
him, and the Romans were daily led againft fome new en- 
emy. 

153. When we add to this, that the people, naturally 
Like, were infpired to deeds of valor by every confider- 

ation which could excite them : that the citizens of Rome 
were all foldiers, and fought for their lands, their children, 
and their liberties, we need not be furpri'ed, that they 
ihould, in the ccurfe of feme centuries., extend their power 
all over Italy. 

154*. The Romans, now fecure at home, and finding no 
enemy with whom to contend, turn their eyes abroad, and 
meet with a powerful rival in the Carthaginians. This ftate 
had been founded or enlarged on the coaft of the Mediter- 
ranean in Africa, fome time before Rr/me, by a colony of 
Phoenicians, in the year before Chrift eight hundred and fix- 
ty-nine, and, according to the practice of their mother coun- 
try, they had cultivated commerce and naval greatnefs. 

155. Carthage, in this defign, had proved wonderfully 
fuccefsful. She now commanded both fides of the Medi- 
terranean. Eefides that of Africa, which flie almoft entire- 
ly poifeifed, (he had extended herfelf on the Spanifh fide, 
through the Streights. Thus miftrefs of the fea, and of 
commerce, fhe had feized the iflands of Corfica and Sar- 
dinia. 

156. Sicily had difficulty to defend itfelf ; and the Ro- 
mans were too nearly threatened not to take arms. Hence 
a fucceffion of hoftilities between thefe rival ftates, known 
in hiftory by the name of Punic wars, in which the Cartha- 
ginians, with all their wealth and power, were an unequal 
match for the Romans. 

157. Carthage was a powerful republic, when Rome 
was an ii arable (late ; but ihe wa. now become cor- 
rupt and ite, while Rome was in die vigor of her 
political conilitution. Carthage employed mercenaries to 



154* THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

carry on her wars ; Rome, as we have already mentioned, 
was compofed of ibldiers. 

158. The fir ft war with Carthage lafted twenty-three 
years, and taught the Romans the art of fighting on the 
lea, with which they had been hitherto unacquainted. A 
Carthaginian ve/fel was wrecked on their coalt ; they i 

it for a model, in three months fitted out a fleet, and the 
coniul Duilius, who fought their firlt naval battle, was vic- 
torious. It is not to our purpofe to mention all the transac- 
tions of thefe wars. 

159. The behavior of Regulus, the Roman general, 
may give us an idea of the fpirit which then animated this 
people. Being taken prifoner in Africa, he is fent back on 
his parole to negociate a change of prifoners. He main- 
tains in the fenatc, the propriety of that law, which cut 
from thofe who fufFered themielves to be taken, all hopes of 

; laved, and returns to a certain death, 

luO. Neither was Cartilage, though corrupted, deficient 
in great men. Of all h whom the Romans 

ever had to contend, Hannibal the Carthaginian was the 
moft indexible and dangerous. His father Hamilrar had 
imbibed an extreme hatred againft the Romans, and having 
fettled the inteftine troubles of his country, he took an * 
ly opportunity to infpire his fon, though but nine yean 
with his own fentiments. 

16 J. For this purpofe he ordered a folemn facriHce to be 
offered to Jupiter, and leading his fon to the alt r 
him whether he was willing to attend him in hib expedition 
againft the Romans ; the courageous boy not i ient- 

ed to go, but conjured hrs father by the gods p:e!ent, to 
form him to victory, and teach him the art of conquering. 

162. That I will joyfully do, replied Hamilcar, and 
with all the care o£ a father who loves you, if you will 
fwear on the aitar to be a*n eternal enemy to the Romans. 
Hannibal readily complied ; and the folemnity of the cere- 
mony, and the iacredneis of the oath, made fuch an im- 
preffion on his mind, as nothing afterwards could ever ef- 
face. 

163. Being appointed general at twenty-five yeais of 
age, he crorTes the Ebio, the Pyrennees, and the Alps, and 
in a moment falls on Italy. The lofs of four battles threat- 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR, 155 

<ens the fall of Rome. Sicily fides with the conqueior. 
Hieronymus king of Syracufe declares agalnit the Romans, 
and almoft ail Italy abandons them. 

161. In this extremity, Rome owed its prefervation to 
three great men. Fabius Maximus, defpifing popular clam- 
or, and the military ardor of his countrymen, declines com- 
ing to an engagement. The ftrength of Rome has time 
to recover. Marcellus raifes the fiege of Nola, takes Syra- 
cufe, and revives the drooping fpirits of his troops. 

1 65. The Romans admired the character of chefe great 
men, but faw fomething more divine in young Scipio. The 
fuccefs of this young hero confirmed the popular opinion, 
that he was of divine extraction, and held converfe with the 
gods. At the age of four-and-twenty, he flies into Spain, 
where both his father and uncle had loft their lives, attacks 
New Carthage, and carries it at the firft a/fault. 

166. On his arrival in Africa, kings fubmit to him, 
Carthage trembles in her turn, and {tes her armies defeated. 
Hannibal, fixteen years victorious, is in vain called home to 
defend his country. Carthage is rendered tributary, gives 
hoftages, and engages never to enter on a war, but with the 
c On lent of the Roman people. ^^ 

167. After the conqueil of Carthage, Rome had incon- 
fiderable wars but great victories ; before this time its wars 
were great, and its victories inconfiderable. At this time 
the world was divided, as it were, into two parts : in the 
one fought the Romans and Carthaginians ; the other was 
agitated by thole quarrels which had lafted fince the death 
of Alexander the Great. 

168. Their fcene of action was Greece, Egypt, and the 
eaft. The dates of Greece had once more difengaged them- 
felves from a foreign yoke. They were divided into three 
confederacies, the Etolians, Acheans, and Beotian ; each 
of thefe was an affociation of free cities, which had aifem- 
blies and magiftrates in common. The Etolians were the 
molt considerable of them all. 

169. The kings of Macedon maintained that fuperiori- 
ty, which in ancient times, when the balance of power was 
little attended to, a great prince naturally pofferTed over his 
lefs powerful neighbors. Philip the prefent monarch, had 
rendered hirnfelf odious to the Greeks, by fome unpopular 



156 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

and tyrannical fteps ; the Etolians were mod irritated ; and 
hearing the fame of die Roman arms, called them into 
Greece, and overcame Philip by their affiftance. 

170. The victory, however, chiefly redounded to the 
advantage of the Romans. The Macedonian garrifons 
were obliged to evacuate Greece ; the cities were all declar- 
ed free ; but Philip became a tributary to the Romans, and 
the dates of Greece became their dependents. The Etoli- 
ans difcovering their firfl: error, endeavored to remedy it by 
another (till more dangerous to themfelves, and more ad- 
vantageous to the Romans. 

171. As they had called the Romans into Greece to 
defend them againft king Phiiip, they now called in Antio- 
chus, king of Syria, to defend them againft the Romans. 
The famous Hannibal too had recourfe to the fame prince, 
who was at this time the molt powerful monarch in the eaft, 
and the fucceilor to the dominions of Alexander in Afia. 

172. But Antiochus did not follow his advice fo much 
as that of the Etolians ; lor, inftead of renewing the war 
in Italy, where Hannibal, from experience, judged the Ro- 
mans to be mod vulnerable, he landed in Greece with a 
fmall body of troof^pnd being overcome without difficul- 
ty, fled into Afla. 

173. In this war the Romans made ufe of Philip for 
conquering Antiochus, as they had before done of the Eto- 
lians for conquering Philip. They now purfue Antiochus, 
the lajft objecl of their refentment, into Ana, and having 
vanquished him by lea and land, compel him to fubmit to 
an infamous treaty. 

174. In thefe conquefts the Romans (till allowed the an- 
cient inhabitants to poifefs their territory ; they did not even 
change the form of government ; the*conquered nations be- 
came the allies of the Roman people, which denomination 
however, under a fpecious name, concealed a condition very 
fervile, and inferred, that they mould fubmit to whatever 
was required of them. 

175. When we reflect on thefe eafy conquefts, we have 
reafon to be aftonifhed at the refiftance with which the Ro- 
mans met from Mithridates king of Pontus, for the fpaceof 
twenty-fix years. But this monarch had great refources. 
His kingdom bordering on the inaccefilble mountains of 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 157 

Caucafus, abounded in a race of men, whofe minds were 
not enervated by pleafure, and whofe bodies were firm and 
vigorous, and he gave the Romans mere trouble than even 
Hannibal. 

176. The different ftates of Greece and Afia, who now 
began to feel the weight of their yoke, but had not a fpirit 
to make it off, were tranfported at finding a prince, who 
dared to (hew himfelf an enemy to the Romans, and cheer- 
fully fubmitted to his protection. Mithridates, however, at 
laft was compelled to yield to the fuperior fortune of the 
Romans. 

177. Vanquifhed fucceflively by Sylla and Lucullus, he 
was at length fubdued by Pompey, and dripped of h's do- 
minions and of his life, in the year before Chrift flxty-three. 
In Africa the Roman arms met with equal fuccefs. Mari- 
us, in conquering Jugurlha, made all fecure in that quar- 
ter. Even the barbarous nations beyond the Alps, began 
to feel the weight of the Roman arms. Gallia Narbonen- 
fis had been reduced into a province. 

178. The Cimbri, Teutones, and other northern nation v 
of Europe, broke into this part of the empire. The fame 
Mar his, whofe name was fo terrible in Africa, then made 
the north of Europe to tremble. The Barbarians retired 
to their wilds and defarts, lefs formidable than the Roman 
legions. But while Rome conquered the world, there fub- 
fifted an internal war within her walls. 

179. This war had fubfifted from the firft periods of the 
government. Rome, after the expulf on of her kings, en- 
joyed but a partial liberty. The defendants of the fena- 
tors, who were diilinguiihed by die name of patricians, 
were inveited with fo many odious privileges, that the peo- 
ple felt their dependance, and became determined to fhake 
it off. A thoufand difputes on this fubject arofe betwixt 
them and the patricians, which always terminated in favor 
of liberty. 

180. Thefe difputes, while the Romans preferved their 
virtue, were not attended with any dangerous confequences. 
The patricians, who loved their country, cheerfully parted 
wich fome of their privileges to fatisfy the people ; and the 
people, on the other hand, though they obtained laws, by 
which they might be admitted to enjoy the firft offices of 

O 



158 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

the ftate, and though they had the power of nomination, al- 
ways named patricians. 

181. But when the Romans, by the conqueft of foreign 
nations, became acquainted with all their luxuries and re- 
finements ; when they became tainted with the effeminacy 
and corruption of the eaftern courts, and fported with eve- 
ry thing juft and honorable, in order to obtain them, the 
fiate, torn by the factions between its members, and with- 
out virtue on either fide to keep it together, became a prey 
to its own children. 

182. Hence the bloody feditions of the Gracchi, which 
paved the way for an extinguiihable hatred between the no- 
bles and commons, and made it eafy for any turbulent de- 
magogue to put them in action againft each other. The love 
of their country was now no more than a fpecious name ; the 
better fort were too wealthy and effeminate to fubmit to the 
rigors of military difcipline, and the foldiers, compofed of 
the dregs of the republic, were no longer citizens. 

183. They had little refpect for any but their command- 
er ; under his banner, they fought, and conquered, and 
plundered ; and for him they were ready to die. He might 
command them to embrue their hands in the blood of their 
country. They who knew no country but the camp, and 
no authority but that of their general, were ever ready to 
obey him. 

184. The multiplicity of the Roman conquefts, howev- 
er, which required their keeping on foot feveral armies at 
the fame time, retarded the iubveriion of the republic. 
Thefe armies were fo many checks on each other. Had it 
not been for the foldiers of Sylla, Rome would have furren- 
dered its liberty to the army of Marius. 

1 85. Julius Csefar at length appears. By fubduing the 
Gauls, he gained his country the molt ufeful conqueft it ev- 
er made. Pompey, his own rival, is overcome in the plains 
of Pharfalia. Caefar appears victorious almoll at the fame 
time ail over the world : in Egypt, in Afia, in Mauritania, 
in Spain, in Gaul, and in Britain : conqueror on all fides, 
he is acknowledged mafter at Rome, and in the whole em- 
pire. 

186. Brutus and Caffius think to give Rome her liberty, 
by dabbing him in the fenate-houfe. But though they there- 
by deliver the Romans from the tyranny of Julius, the re- 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 159 

public does not obtain its freedom. It falls into the hands 
of Mark Anthony ; young Cxfar Octavianus, nephew to 
Julius Caefar, wfefts it from him by the fea-fight of Actiurn^ 
and there is no Brutus or Caffius to put an end to his life. 

187. Thole friends of liberty had killed themfelves in 
defpair ; and O&avius, under the name of Auguftus, and 
title of emperor, remained the undifturbed mailer of the 
empire. During thefe civil commotions, the Romans ftill 
preferved the glory of their arms among diftant nations ; 
and, while it was unknown who ihould be matter at Rome, 
the Romans were without diipute, the matters of the world. 

188. Their military difcipline and valor abolifhed all the 
remains of the Carthaginian, the Perfian, the Greek, the Af- 
iyrian, and Macedonian glory ; they were now only a name. 
No fooner, therefore, was Oftavius eftablifhed off the throne, 
than ambaifadors from all quarters of the known world, 
crowd to make their fubmiffions. 

189. -/Ethiopia foes <or peace ; the Partisans, who had 
been a melt formidable enemy, coiirt his friendship ; I. 
feeks his alliance ; Pannpnia acknowledges h'm ; G 
dreads him ; and the Weier receives his laws. 

by fea and land, he fhuts the temple of Janus. 
earth lives in peace under his power, and Jefos Ghr 
into the world, four years before the common aerit 

1 90. Having thus traced the progrefs of the 1 
vernment, while it remained a republic, our plan oblige* 

to fay a few words with regard to the aits, fciences, and 
manners of that people. During the fir ft ages of the re- 
public, the Romans lived in a total neglect, or rather co-i- 
tempt, of all the elegant improvements ot life. 

191. War, politics, and agriculture, were the only arts 
they ftudied, becaufe they were the only arts they efteemed. 
But on the downfal of Carthage, the Romans having no en- 
emy to dread from abroad, began to tafte the fweets of fe- 
curity, and to cultivate the arts. Their progrefs, however, 
was not gradual, as in the other countries we have defcrib- 
ed. 

192. The conqueft of Greece at once put them in pof- 
feillon of every thing molt rare, curious, or elegant. Alia, 
which was the next victim, offered all its (lores ; and the 
Romans, from the moil fi-mple people, fpeedily became ao 



160 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

quainted with the arts, the luxuries and refinements of the * 
whole earth. 

193. Eloquence they had always cultivated as the high 
road to eminence and preferment. The orations of Cicero 
are inferior only to thofe of Demofthenes. In poetry Vir- 
gil yields only to Homer, whofe vene, like the profe of De- 
mofthenes, may be conndered as inimitable. 

194. Horace, however, in his fatires and epiftles, had 
no model among the Greeks, and ftands to this day unri- 
valled in that fpecies of writing. In hiftory, the Romans 
can boaft of Livy, who porTerles all the natural eafe of He- 
rodotus, and is more defer iptive, more eloquent, and fenti- 
mental. 

195. Tacitus indeed did not flourifh in the Auguftan 
age, but Lrs works do himfelf the greateft honor, while they 
difgrace his country and human nature, whofe corruption 
and vices he paints in the moft ftriking colors. In philofo- 
phy, if we except the works of Cicero, and the fyftem of 
the Greek philofopher Epicurus, defcribed in the nervous 
poetry of Lucretius, the Romans, during the time of the 
republic, made not the lead attempt. 

196. In tragedy, they never produced any thing excel- 
lent ; and Terence, though remarkable for purity of ftyle, 
wants that lively vein of humor, that diftinguifhes the Greek 
comedians, and which diftinguifhes our Shakefpeare. 

1 97. We now return to our hiftory, and are arrived at 
an osra, which prefents us with a fet of monfters, under the 
name of emperors, whofe hiftories, a few excepted, difgrace 
human nature. They did not indeed abolifh the forms of 
the Roman republic, though they extinguished its liberties ; 
and, while they weie praclifing the moft unwarrantable cru- 
elties on their iubjecls, they themfelves were the flaves of 
their fbldiers. 

].!< / made the world tremble, while they in their 

turn trembled at the army. Rome, from the time of Au- 
ouilus, became the moft" defpotic empire that ever fubiifted 
in Europe. To form an idea of their government, wen, 
only recal to our mind the lituation of Turkey at preterit. 

199. It is of no importance therefore to confider the 
character o( the emperors, fince they had no power but 
what arofe from a mercenary ftanding army ; nor to enter 
>UtQ a detail with regard, to the tranfaclions of the court, 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 161 

which were directed with that caprice, and cruelty, and cor- 
ruption, which univerfally prevailed under a despotic gov- 
ernment. 

200. When it is faid the Roman republic conquered the 
world, it is only meant of the civilized part of it, chiefly in 
Greece, Cartilage, and Afia. A more difficult tafk ft ill re- , 
mained for the emperors, to fubdue the barbarous nations of 
Europe ; the Germans, the Gauls, the Britons,, and even 
the remote corner of Scotland : for though thefe countries 
had been difcovered, they were not effectually fubdued by 
the Roman generals. 

201. Thefe nations though rude and ignorant were brave 
and independent. It was rather from the fuperiority of their 
difcipline, than of their courage, that the Romans gained 
any advantage over them. The Roman wars with the Ger- 
mans are defcribed by Tacitus ; and from his account;, 
though a Roman, it is eafy to difcover with what bravery 
they fought, and with what reluctance they fubmitted to a 
foreign yoke. 

202. From the obftinate refiftance of the Germans, we 
may judge of the difficulties the Romans met in fubduing 
the other nations of Europe. The contefts were on both 
fides bloody ; the countries of Europe were fuccemvely laid 
wafte, the inhabitants perifhed in the field, many were car- 
ried into ilavery, and but a feeble remnant fubmitted to the 
Roman power. 

203. This fituation of affairs was extremely unfavorable 
to the happineis of mankind. The barbarous nations, in- 
deed, from their intercourfe with the Romans, acquired 
fome tafte for the arts, fciences, language and manners of 
their new maflers. 

204*. Thefe however were but miferable confolations for 
the lofs of liberty, for being deprived of the ufe of their 
arms, for being over-awed by mercenary foldiers kept in 
pay to reftrain them, and for being delivered over to rapa- 
cious governors, who plundered them without mercy. The 
only circumftance which could fupport them under thefe 
complicated calamities, was the hope of feeing better days. 

205. The Roman empire, now ftretched to fuch an ex- 
tent, had loft its fpring and force. It contained within it- 
felf the feeds of diffolution \ and the violent irruption *£ 
O 2 



162 THE' PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

the Goths, Vandals, Huns, and other barbarians, haftened 
its deflruction. 

206. Thefe fierce tribes, who came to take vengeance 
on the empire, either inhabited the various parts of Ger- 
many, which had never been fubdued by the Romans, or 
were fcattered over the vaft countries of the north of Eu- 
rope, and north-weft of Alia, which are now inhabited by 
the Danes, the Swedes, the Poles, the fubjects of the Ruf- 
fian empire, and the Tartars. 

207. They were drawn from their native country by that 
reftieiihefs which actuates the minds of barbarians, and 
makes them rove from home in queft of plunder, or new 
fettlements. The firft invaders met a powerful refiftance 
from the fuperior difcipline of the Roman legions ; but this, 
initead of daunting men of a ftrong and impetuous tem- 
per, only roufed them to vengeance. 

208. They return to their companions, acquaint them 
with the unknovjn conveniences and luxuries that abound- 
ed in countries better cultivated, or blefTed with a milder 
climate than their own ; they acquaint them \yth the bat- 
tles they had fought, of the friends they had loft, and warm 
them with refentment againft their opponents. 

209. Great bodies of armed men (fays an elegant hif- 
tori'an, in defcribing this fcene of deiblation) with their 
wives and children, and flaves and flocks, iifued, like regu- 
lar colonies, in quell: of new fettlements. New adventurers 
followed them. 

210. The lands which they deferred were occupied bv more 
remote tribes of barbarians. Thefe, in their turn, puflied for- 
ward into more fertile countries, and, like a torrent contin- 
ually increafmg, rolled on, and fwept every thing before 
them. Wherever the barbarians marched, their route was 
marked with bloody They ravaged or deftroyed all around 
them, They made no diftinction between what was facred, 
and what was profane. They refpecled no age, or fex, or 
rank. 

211. If a man was called to fix on the periocf in the 
hiftory of the world, during which the condition of the hu- 
man race was mod calamitous and afflicted, he would, with- 
eut hefitation, name that which eiapfed from the death of 
Tfeeodofius the great, in the year of our Lord three hun- 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 163 

dred and ninety-five, to the eilablifhment cf the Lombards 
in Italy, in th> year of our Lord five hundred and feventy- 
one. 

212. The coternporary authors, who beheld that fcene 
of defolation, labor and are at a R for exprefHons to de£- 
fcribe the horror of it. Tie fcourge of GW, the dejlroyer of 

to, are the dreadful epithets by which they diilinguifli 
the moil noted of the barbarous leacfers. 

213. Conftantine, who was emperor the beginning of the 
fourth century, and who had embraced chriftianity, chang- 
ed die feat of empire from :(ome to Constantinople.' This 
occafioned a prodigious alteration. The weftern and eaf- 
tern provinces were feparated from each other, and govern- 
ed by different lbvereigns. The withdrawing the Roman 
legions from the Rhine and the Danube to the eafl, threw 
down the weftern barriers of the empire, and laid it open 
to the invaders. 

214. Rome (nr .v known by the name of the Weftam 
Empire, in contradiili nction to Conilantinople, which, from 
its fituation, was called the Eaftem Empire), weakened by 
this divifion, becomes a prey to the barbarous nations. Its 
ancient glory, vainly deemed immortal, is effaced, and O- 
doacer, a barbarian chieftain, is feated on the throne of the 
Caefars. Thefe irruptions into the empire were gradual and 
fucceflive. 

215. The immenfe fabric of the Roman empire was the 
work of many ages, and feveral centuries were employed 
in demoliihing it. The ancient difcipline of the Romans, 
in military affairs, was l"o efficacious, that the remains of it 
defcended to their fuccefTors, and muit have proved an over- 
match for all their enemies, had it not been for the vices of 
their emperors, and the univerfal corruption of manners a* 
mong the people. 

216. Satiated with die luxuries of the known world, the 
emperors were at a lofs to find new provocatives. The molt 
diflant regions were explored, the ingenuity of mankind was 
exercifed, and the tribute of provinces expended on one fa- 
vorite diin. The tyranny, and the univerfal depravation of 
manners that prevailed under the emperors, or, as they are 
called, Cseiars, could only be equalled by the barbarity of 
thole nations who overcame them. 

217. Towards the cloie ol thefixth century, the Saxons, 



164. THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

a German nation, were rnafters of the Southern and more 
fertile provinces of Britain ; the Franks, another tribe of 
Germans, of Gaul ; the Goths, of Spain ; the Goths and 
Lombards, of Italy, and the adjacent provinces, 

218. Scarcely any veftige of the Roman policy, juris- 
prudence, arts, or literature remained. New forms of go- 
vernment, new laws, new manners, new dreffes, new lan- 
guages, and new names of men and countries, were every 
where introduced. 

219. From this period, till the Sixteenth century, Eu- 
rope exhibited a picture of mod melancholy Gothic barbar- 
ity. Literature, fcience, tafte, were words Scarcely in ufe 
during thefe ages. Perfons of the higheft rank, and in the 
mod: eminent ltations, could not Tead or write. Many of 
the clergy did not underftand the breviary which they were 
obliged daily to recite : fome of them could Scarcely read it. 

220. The human mind neglected, uncultivated, and de- 
preffed, Sunk into the moft profound ignorance. The Supe- 
rior genius oS Charlemagne, who, in the beginning of the 
ninth century, governed France and Germany with part of 
Italy ; and Alfred the great in England, during the latter 
part of the Same century, endeavored to difpel this dark- 
neSs, and give their Subjects a lhort glimpSe of light. 

221. But the ignorance of the age was too powerful for 
their efforts and inftitutions. The darknefs returned, and 
even increafed ; So that a (till greater degree of ignorance 
and barbariSm prevailed throughout Europe. 

222. A new divifion of property gradually introduced 
a new Species of government formerly unknown ; which 
Singular inftitution is now diftinguifhed by die name of the 

feudal f$ftem. The king or general, who led the barbarians 
to conqueft, parcelled out the lands of the vanquiflied a- 
mong his chief officers, binding thofe on whom they were 
beft owed to follow his ftandard with a number of men, and 
to bear arms in his defence. 

223. The chief officers imitated the example of the Sov- 
ereign, and in diftributing portions of their lands among 
their dependants, annexed the Same condition to the grant. 
But though this Syftem Seemed to be admirably calculated 
for defence again ft a foreign enemy, it degenerated into a 
Syftem of oppreffion. 

224. The ufurpation of the nobles became unbounded 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 165 

and intolerable. They reduced the great body of the peo- 
ple into a Hate of actual fervitude. They were deprived of 
the natural and moft unalienable rights of humanity. They 
were flaves fixed to the foil which they cultivated, and to- 
gether with it were transferred from one proprietor to an- 
other, by fale or by conveyance. 

225. Every offended baron, or chieftain, buckled on his 
armor, and fought redrefs at the head of his vaiTais. His 
adverfaries met him in like hoftile array. The kindred and 
dependants of the aggreffor, as well as of the defender, were 
involved in the quarrel. They had not even the liberty of 
remaining neuter. 

226. The monarch s of Europe perceived the encroach- 
ments of their nobles with impatience. In order to create 
fome power that might counterbalance thofe potent vaffals, 
who, while they enflaved the people, controled or gave law 
to the crown, a plan was adopted of conferring new privi- 
leges on towns. Thefe privileges abolifhed all marks of fer- 
vitude ; and the inhabitants of towns were formed into cor- 
porations, or bodies politic, to be governed by a council and 
magiftrates of their own nomination. 

227. The acquifition of liberty made fuch a happy 
change in the condition of mankind, as roufed them from 
that ftupidity and inaction into which they had been funk 
by the wretchednefs of their former ftate. A fpirit of in- 
dullry revived ; commerce became an object of attention, 
and began to flourifli. 

228. Various caufes contributed to revive this fpirit of 
commerce, and to renew the iiftsercourle between different 
nations. Constantinople, the capital of die eaflern or Greek 
empire, had efcaped the ravages of the Goths and Vandals, 
who overthrew that of the weft. 

229. In this city, fome remains of literature and fcience 
were preserved : this too, for many ages, was the great em- 
porium of trade, and where fome relim for the precious 
Commodities and curious manufactures of India was retain- 
ed. They communicated fome knowledge of thefe to their 
neighbors in Italy ; and the crufades which were begun by 
the chriftian powers of Europe with a view to drive the Sar- 
acens from Jerufalem, opened a communication between 
Europe and the eaft. 

230. Conflantinbple was the general place of rendezvous 



166 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

for the chriftian armies, in their way to Paleftine, or on their 
return from thence. Though the object of thefe expeditions 
was conqueft, and not commerce, and though the ifTue of 
them proved unfortunate, their commercial effects were both 
beneficial and permanent. 

231. Soon after the clofe of the holy war, the mariners 
compafs was invented, which, facilitated the communication 
between remote nations, and brought them nearer to each 
other. The Italian ftates, particularly thofe of Venice and 
Genoa, began to eRabliili a regular commerce with the eaft, 
and the ports of Egypt, and drew from thence all the rich 
productions of India. 

232. Thefe commodities they difpofed of to great ad- 
vantage among the other nations of Europe, who began to. 
acquire fome tafte of elegance, unknown to their predecef- 
fors, or defpifed by them. During the twelfth and thir- 
teenth centuries, the commerce of Europe was alraoft en- 
tirely in the hands of the Italians, more commonly known 
in thofe a^es by the name of Lombards. 

233. Companies, or focieties of Lombard merchants, 
fettled in every different kingdom ; they became the carri- 
ers, the manufacturers, and the bankers of Europe. One 
of thefe companies fettled in London, and from hence the 
name of Lombard Street was derived. 

234. While the Italians in the foulh of Europe cultiva- 
ted trade with fuch indnitry and fuccefs, the commercial 
fpirit awakened in the north towards the middle of the thir- 
teenth century. As the Danes, Swedes, and other nations 
around the Baltic, were at that time extremely barbarous, 
and infefted that fea with their piracies, this obliged the cit- 
ies of Lubec and Hamburg, foon after they had begun to 
open fome trade with the Italians, to enter into a league of 
mutual defence. 

235. They derived fuch advantages from this union, 
that other towns acceded to their confederacy ; and, in a 
fhort time, eighty of the mod confiderable cities, fcattered 
through thofe large countries of Germany and Flanders, 
which ftretch from the bottom of the Baltic to Cologne on 
the Rhine, joined in an alliance, called the Hanfeatlc league ; 

236. Which became fo formidable, that its alliance was 
courted, and its enmity was dreaded by the greater! mon- 
archs. The members of this powerful aifociation formed 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 167 

the firft fyftematic plan of commerce known in the middle 
ages, and conducted it by common laws enacted in their 
general aiTemblies. 

237. They fupplied the reft of Europe with naval (lores ; 
and pitched on different towns, the moil eminent of which 
was Bruges, in Flanders, where they eftablifhed ftaples, in 
which their commerce was regularly carried on. Thither 
the Lombards brought the productions of India, together 
with the manufactures of Italy, and exchanged them for 
the more bulky, but not lefs ufeful commodities of the 
north. 

238. As Bruges became the- centre of communication 
between the Lombards and Hanfeatic merchants, the Fle- 
mings traded with both in that city to fuch extent, as well 
as advantage, as diffufed among them a general habit of in- 
duftry, which long rendered Flanders and the adjacent prov- 
inces the moft opulent, the mod populous, and bed cultiva- 
ted countries in Europe. 

239. Struck with the flourifhing (late of thefe provinces, 
of which he difcovered he true caufe, Edward third, of 
England, endeavored to excite a fpirit of induilry among 
his own fubjects, who, blind to the advantages of their fit- 
nation, and ignorant of the fource from which opulence was 
deftined to flow into their country, totally neglected com- 
merce, and did not even attempt thole manufactures, the 
materials of which they furnifhed to foreigners. 

24-0. By alluring Flemifh artifans to fettle in his domin- 
ions, as well as by many wife laws for the encouragement 
and regulation of trade, he gave ?. beginning to the wool- 
len manufactures of England ; and firft turned the active 
and enterpiifing genius of his people towards thofe arts 
w r hich have raifed the Englifh to the firft rank among com- 
mercial nations. 

241. The chriftian princes, after their great loffes in the 
cruiades, endeavored to cultivate the friendship of the great 
khans of Tartary, whofe fame in arms had reached the moft 
remote corners of Europe and Aria, that they might be 
fome check on the Turks, who had been fuch enemies to the 
chriftian name ; and who, from a contemptible handful of 
wanderers, ferving occafionaily in the armies of contending 
princes, had begun to extend their ravages over the fineil 
countries of Alia. 



168 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

242. The chriftian embaffies wore managed chiefly by 
monks, a wandering profeffion of men, who, impelled by 
zeal, and undaunted by difficulties and danger, found their 
way to the remote courts of thefe infidels. The Englifh. 
philofopher Roger Bacon, was fo induftrious as to collect 
from their relations, or traditions, many particulars of the 
Tartars, which are to be found in Purchas' Pilgrim, and 
other books of travels. 

243. The firft regular traveller of the monkifh kind, 
who committed his difcoveries to writing, was John du Plant 
Carpin, who, with fome of his brethren, about the year one 
thoufand two hundred and forty-fix, carried a letter from 
pope Innocent to the great khan of Tartary, in favor of the 
chriftian fubjects in that prince's extenfive dominions. 

244. Soon after this, a fpirit of travelling into Tartary 
and India became general ; and it would be no difficult 
matter to prove that many Europeans, about the end of the 
fourteenth century, ferved in the armies of Tamerlane, one 
of the greateft princes of Tartary, whofe conquefts reach- 
ed to the moft remote corners of India ; and that they in- 
troduced into Europe the me of gun-powder and artillery ; 
the difcovery made by a German chemift being only partial 
and accidental. 

2 15. After the death of Tamerlane, who, jealous of the 
rifing power of the Turks, had checked their progreis, the 
chriftian adventurers, on their return, magnifying the vaft 
riches of the Eaft-Indies, infpiied their countrymen with a 
fpirit of adventure and difcovery, and were the firft that 
rendered a pafTage thither by fea probable and practicable. 
The Portuguefe had been always famous for their applica- 
tion to maritime affairs ; and to their difcovery of the Cape 
a£ Good Hope, Great Britain is at this day indebted for 
her Indian commerce. 

246. At firft they contented themfelves with fhort voy- 
ages, creeping along the coaft of Africa, difcovering cape 
after cape ; but by making a gradual progrefs fouthward, 
they, in the year one thoufand four hundred -and ninety- 
feven, were fo fortunate as to fail beyond the cape, which 
opened a paffage by fea to the eaftem ocean, and all thofe 
countries known by the names of India, China, and Japan. 

247. While the Portuguefe were intent on a pauagc to 
India by the eaft, Columbus, a native of Genoa, conceived 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 169 

a project of failing thither by the weft. His propofal being ■ 
condemned b^ his countrymen as chimerical and abfurd, he 
laid his fchemes fucceffively before the courts of France, 
England, and Portugal, where he had no better fuccefs. 

24<S. Such repeated difappointments would have broken 
the fpirit of any man but Columbus. The expedition re- 
quired expenfe, and he had nothing to defray it. Spain was 
now his only refource ; and there, after eight years attend- 
ance, he at length fucceeded, through the intereft of queen 
Ifabelia. This princefs was prevailed on to patronize him, 
by the reprefentations of Juan Perez, guardian of the mo 
naftery of Rabida. 

249. He was a man of confiderable learning, and of 
fome credit with queen Ifabelia ; and being warmly attach- 
ed to Columbus, from his perfonal acquaintance with him, 
and knowledge of his merit, he had entered into an accu- 
rate examination of that great man's project, in conjunction 
with a phyfician fettled in his neighborhood, who was emi^ 
nent for his fkill in mathematical knowledge. 

250. This investigation completely fatisfied them of the 
folidity of the principles on which Columbus founded his 
opinion, and of the probability of fuccefs in executing the 
plan which he propofed. Terez therefore fo ftrongly recom- 
mended it. to queen Ifabelia, that fae entirely entered into 
the fcheme, and even generoufly offered, to the honor of 
her fex, to pledge her own jewels in order to raife as much 
money as might be required in making preparations for the 
voyage. 

251. But Santagel, another friend and patron of Co- 
, lumbus, immediately engaged to advance the fum that was 

requifite, that the queen might not be reduced to the ne 
fity of having recourfe to that expedient. 

252. Columbus now fet fail, in the year one thoufand 
four hundred and ninety-two, with a fleet of three fhips, on 
one of the mod adventurous attempts ever undertaken by 
man* and in the fate of which the inhabitants of two worlds 
were interefted. 

253. In this voyage he had a thoufand difficulties with 
which to contend ; and his failors, who were often difcon- 
tented, at length began to infill on his return, threatening, 
in cafe of refufal, to throw him overboard ; but the iirm- 

? 



170 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

nefs of the commander, and the difcovery of land, after a 
paffage of thirty -three days, put an end to the commotion. 

254. From the appearance of the natives, he found to 
his furprife that this could not be the Indies of which he was 
in queft, and which he foon difcovcred to be a new world. 
Fin ope now began to emerge out of that darknefs into which 
flie had been funk fmce the fubverfion of the Roman empire. 

255. Thefe difegveries, from which filch wealth was def- 
tined to flow to the commercial nations of Europe, were 
fucceeded by others of unfpeakable benefit to mankind. 
The invention of printing, the revival of learning, arts and 
fciences ; and, laftly, the happy reformation in religion, all 
diftinguifh the fifteenth and fixteenth centuries as the firft 
a:ra of modern hiftory. 

256. " It was in thefe ages that the powers of Europe 
were formed into one great political fyftem, in which each 
took a ftation, wherein it has fince remained, with lefs varia- 
tion than could have been expected, after the fhocks occafion- 
ed by fo many internal revolutions, and fo many foreign wars. 

257. The political principles and maxims then eftablifh- 
ed, ft ill continue to operate ; and the ideas concerning the 
balance of power then introduced, or rendered general, ftill 
•influence, in fome degree, the councils of European nations.'' 

258. From all which it feems extremely certain, that 
the concurrence of fo many rival princes will always pre- 
vent any one of them from gaining the empire over Europe. 
But it is no lefs certain, that, in contending for it, they 
mini weaken their own force, and may at length render 
themfehwes incapable of defending even their juft pofTeiiions. 

259. The partial conquefts they may make are extreme- 
ly illufive ; inftead of promoting, they rather oppofe their 
defigns ; the more any kingdom is extended, it becomes the 
weaker ; and great projects have not been fo often executed 
by flow reiterated efforts, as in the courfe of a few years, 
and fometimes by n fingle expedition. 

260. A prince may form a deliberate plan of deftStying 
the rights of his fubjecls ; he may proceed by flow degrees 
in the execution of it, and if he die before it is completed, 
his fucceflbr may purfue the fame fteps, and avail himfelf 
of what was done before him. But external conquefts can- 
not be concealed ; they generally occafion more fear than 
JLmrt, and are almofl always lefs folid than brilliant. 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. Ifl 

! 1 . Hence the alarms they excite, the confederacies to 
which they give occafion, by which the prinse who, by mis- 
fortune, has been a conqueror, is commonly reduced to the 
laft extremities. This doctrine, however contrary to the 
prejudices of a powerful and victorious nation, is one of the 

eftablilhed in the fcience of politics. It is confirmed 
by examples both ancient and modern. 

262. The Rates of Greece, in particular, delivered from 
the terror of the Perfen invafions, exhibit the fame truth in 
a great variety of lights. There was not one of the moil 
inconfiderable of there little focieties, but in its turn imbi- 
bed the frenzy of conqueit, and in its turn too was reduced 
by this frenzy to the utmoft mifery and diftrefs. The mod- 
ern examples are fo well known, that it is almpft urineceiiR- 
ry to mention them. 

263. Who does not know that the houfe of Anftria ex- 
cited the terror of all Europe, before it excited the pity of 
Great Britain ! Had that family never been the objecl of 
fear, the emprefs queen would never have become the object . 
of companion. France affords an example not lefs (Inking, 

264* The. nerves of that kingdom were ftraiperf fo far 
beyond their ftrength, by an am&tious monarch, that it 
fcemed hardly poflible they fhould acquire their natural tone 
in the courfe of this century. The debility of their efforts 
in the war of one thoufand feven hundred and fifty-fix pro- 
ved the greatnefs of the evil, and the itiefficacy of any rem- 
edy which is not flow and gradual : but the British cabinet, 
in agitating a civil war with the Noi th Amei 
ly contributed to reflore and augment their naval do 

2(35. Of all the kingdoms of Europe, Great Britain, for 
a long time, enjoyed the greater! degree of profperity ami 
glory. She ought, therefore, to have been the more atten- 
tive to preferve fo brilliant an exiftence. A great empire 
cannot be continued in a happy .fituation, but by wifdom 
and moderation. 

266. The unhappy eonteft of Great Britain with the A- 
merican colonies, through the folly, arrogance, cr arbitra- 
ry defigns of her then mini iters- of ft ate, has plunged her 
into the greateft difficulties ; her national debt has been 
augmented to a prodigious height ; her taxes greatly in* 
creafed, and her trade dirninilhed. 



172 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

Constitution of Vermont, 

Adopted by the Convention, holden at Windsor, 
July fourth, one thousand seven hundred and 

NINETY-THREE. [Jufy 4, 1793-] 

CHAPTER FIRST. [I.] 

A declaration of the rights of the inhabitants of the faie of 

Vermont. 

ARTICLE FIRST. [I.] 

1 . THAT all men are born equally free and independ- 
ent, and. have certain natural, inherent, and unalienable 

mongft which are the enjoying and defending life 
and liberty, acquiring, poifefllng, and protecting property, 
nurfui ng, and obtaining happinefs and fefel 

2. Therefore, no male peribn born in this country, or 
brought from over fea, ought to be holden by law, toferve 
any perfon as a fervant, flave or apprentice, after he arrives 
to the age of twenty-one years, nor female in like manner, 
after die arrives to the age of eighteen years, unlefs they 
are bound by their own confent, after they arrive to fuch 

, cr bound by law for the payment of debts, damages, 
ke. 
ARTICLE SECOND. [II.] 
8. 1 I operty ought to be fubfervient to pub- 

lic ufes when neceffity requires it, neverthelefs, whenever 
any person's property is taken for the ufe of the public, the 
owner ought to receive an equivalent in monev. 
ARTICLE THIRD. [III.]' 

4. That all men have a natural and unalienable right to. 
; (hip Almighty God, according to the dictates of their 

own cor. ' rflandings, as in their opinion fhall 

be regulated by the word of God : and that no man ought 
to, or of right can be compelled to attend any religious 
WQimip, or erect orfupport any place of worfliip, or main- 
tain any miniilcr contrary to the dictates of his conscience, 

5. * Nor can any man be juflJy deprived or abridged of 

hts as a citizen, on account of his religious fen- 
ttfnerfts, or" peculiar mode of religious worfliip ; and that 
no authority can, or ought to be veiled in, or ailumed by* 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 178 

any power whatever, that mall in ary cafe with, or 

in any manner control the rights of conference, in the free 
exercife of. religious worfhip. 

6. Neverthelefs, every feet or denomination of chriitians 
ought to obferve the fab'bath or Lord's day, and keep up 
fome fort of religious worfhip, which to them mail feem 
mod agreeable to the revealed will of God . 

ARTICLE FOURTH. [IV.] 

7. Every perfon within this flate ought to rind a certain 
remedy, by having recourfe to the laws, for all injuries or 
wrongs which he may receive in his perfon, property or 
character : he ought to obtain right and juftice freely, and 
without being, obliged to purchafe it ; completely and with- 
out any denial ; promptly and without delay ; conforma- 
bly to the laws. 

ARTICLE FIFTH. [V.] 

8. That the people of this flate by their legal reprefen- 
tatives, have the fole, inherent, and exclufive right of gov- 
erning and regulating the internal police of the fame. 

ARTICLE SIXTH. [VI.] 

9. That all power being originally inherent in and con- 
fequently derived from the people, therefore all officers of 
government, whether legillative or executive, are their truf- 
tees and fervants, and at all times in a legal way, account- 
able to them. 

ARTICLE SEVENTH. [VII. J 

10. That government is, or ought to be, militated for 
the common benefit, protection, and fecurity of the people, 
nation, or community, and not for the particular emolu- 
ment or advantage of any (ingle man, family, or fet of 
men, who are a part only of that community ; and that 
the community hath an indubitable, unalienable, and hide- 
feafible right to reform or alter government* in fuch man- 
ner as mail be, by that community, judged moA conducive 
to the public weal. 

ARTICLE EIGHTH. fVIIL] 

11. That all elections ought to be free and without cor- 
ruption, and that all freemen, having a fufficient, evident, 
common intereft with, and attachment to, the community, 
have, a right to elect officers, and to be elected into office,;, 
agreeably to the regulations made in this constitution, 

P 2 



171 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

ARTICLE NINTH. [IX.] 

12. That every member of fociety hath a right to be 

protected in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and property, 

and therefore is bound to contribute his proportion towards 

tie e;:penfe of that protection, and yield his peribnal fervice, 

try, or an equivalent thereto, but no part of a- 

Lrlbirs property can be juftly taken from him, or ap- 

1 to public ufes, without his own confent, or that of the 

76 body of the freemen ; 
.. Nor can any man who is confcientioufly fcrupulous 
.'.ring arms, be juftly compelled thereto, if he will pay 
equivalent ; nor are the people bound by any law but 
as they have in like manner aiTented to, for the com- 
and previous to any law being made to raife a 
tax, the purpofe for which it is to be railed ought to ap- 
pear evident to the legiflature, to be of more fervice to the 
community than the money would be if not collected. 
ARTICLE TENTH. [X.] 
14. That in all profecutions for criminal offences, a per* 
Rath a right to be heard by himfclf and his counfel ; to 
i and the caufe and nature of his accufation ; to be con- 
ned with the witnefles ; to call for evidence in his favor, 
and a i\ ^edy public trial by an impartial jury of the coun- 
try ; without the' unanimous confent of which jury, he can- 
not be found guilty ; nor can he be compelled to give evi- 
dence againft himieif ; nor can any perfori be juftly depriv- 
ed of his liberty except by the laws of the land, or the judg- 
it of his peers. 

ARTICLE ELEVENTH. [XL] 
L5. That the people )iave a right to hold themfelves, 
their houfes, papers, and poiTeffions, free from fearch or 
feizure ; and therefore warrants, without oath or affirma- 
firft made,* affording fufficient foundation for them, 
ana whereby any officer or meifenger may be commanded 
or required to fearch fufpecled places, or to feize any per- 
ion or perfons, his, her or their property, not particularly 
defcribed, are contrary to that right, and ought not to be 
granted. 

ARTICLE TWELFTH. [XII.] 
16. That when any uTue in facl, proper for the cogni- 
zance of a jury is joined in a court of law, the parties have 
a right of trial by jury, which ought to be held facred. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 175 

ARTICLE THIRTEENTH. [XIIL] 

17. That the people have a right to freedom of fpeech, 
and of writing and publishing their fentimerit* concerning 
the tranfactions of government, and therefore the freedom 
of the prefs ought not to be restrained. 

ARTICLE FOURTEENTH. [XIV.] 

18. The freedom of deliberation, fpeech, and debate, 
in the legiflature, is fo effential to the rights of the people, 
that it cannot be the foundation of any accufation or profe- 
eution, a&ion or complaint, in any other court or place 
whatever. 

ARTICLE FIFTEENTH. [XV.] 

19. The power of fufpending laws, or the execution of 
laws, ought never to be excrcifed but by the legiflature, or 
by authority derived from it, to be exercifed in fach partic- 
ular cafes, as this confti'euticn, or the legiflature ifiall pro- 
vide for. 

ARTICLE SIXTEENTH. [XVI.] 

20. That the people have a right to bear arms for the 
defence of themfelves and the Rate — and as Handing armies 
in time, of peace are dangerous to liberty, they ought not 
to be kept up ; and that the military mould be kept under 
fhicl: fubordination to, and governed by the civil power. 

ARTICLE SEVENTEENTH. [XVII.] 

21. That no perfon in this Hate, can in any cafe be fub- 
jecled to law martial, or to any penalties or pains by virtue 
of that law, except thofe employed in the army, and the 
militia in actual fervice. 

ARTICLE EIGHTEENTH. [XVIIL] 

22. That frequent recurrence to fundamental principles, 
:md firm adherence to juilice, moderation, temperance, in- 
duftry, and frugality, are abfolutely neceffary to preferve 
the bleflings of liberty, and keep government free ; the peo- 
ple ought therefore, to pay particular attention to thefe 
points, in the choice of officers and reprefentatives, and have 
a right in a legal way, to exact a due and conftant regard 
to them, from their legillators and magi Urates, in making 
and executing fuch laws as are neceffary for the good gov- 
ernment of the ftate. 

ARTICLE NINETEENTH. [XJX.] 

23. That all people have a natural and inherent right to 
emigrate from one Rate to another that will receive them, 



J7o THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

ARTICLE TWENTIETH. [XX.] 
That the people have a right to aflemble together to con- 
fult foiMheir common good — to inftrudl their representatives 
—and apply to the legiflature for redrefs of grievances, by 
addrefs, petition, or remon {trance. 

ARTICLE TWENTY-FIRST. [XXL] 
That no peribn fhall be liable to be tranfported out of 
this Rate for trial for any offence committed within the 
fame. 



CHAPTER SECOND. [IT.] 
PLAN OR FRAME OF GOVERNMENT. 

1. The commonwealth, or (late of Vermont, fhall be 
governed hereafter, by a. governor, (or lieutenant-govern 
council, and an aflembly of the representatives or the fi 
men of the fame, in manner and form following : 

2. The fupreme legislative power (hall be veiled in a 
houfe of reprefentatlves of the freemen of the common- 
wealth, or ftate of Vermont. The fupreme executive pow- 
er fhall be veiled in a governor, or, in his abfence, a lieu- ■ 
tenant governor, and council. 

3. Courts of juftice fhall be maintained in every county 
in this ftate, and alfo in new counties, when formed ; which 
courts fhall be open for the trial of all caufes proper for 
their cognizance ; and juftice fhall be therein impartially 
adminiilered, without corruption, or unneceflary delay. 

4«. The judges of the fupreme court fhall be juftices of 
the peace throughout the ftate ; and the fe T *eral judges of 
the county courts, in their reipecYive counties, by virtue of 
their office, except in the trial of fuch caufes as may be ap- 
pealed to the tounty court. 

5. A future legiflature may, when they fhall conceive 
the fame to be expedient and neceffary, erect a court of chan- 
cery, with fuch powers as are ufually exercifed by that 
court, or as fhall appear for the intereft of the common- 
wealth — Provided, they do not conftitute themfelves the 
judges of the faid court. 

6. The legiilative, executive, and judiciary departments, 
fhall be feparate and diftincij fo that neither exercife the 
powers properly belonging to the other. 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 177 

7- In order that the freemen of this ftate might enjoy 
die benefit of election, as equally as may be, each town 
within this ftate, that confifts, or may confift of eighty tax- 
able inhabitants, within one feptenary or feven years next 
after the eftablifhing this conftitution, may hold elections 
therein, and choofe each two reprefentatives ; 

8. And each other inhabited town in this (late, may, in^ 
like manner, choofe each one reprefentative, to reprefent 
them in general affembly, during the faid feptenary ,. or fev- 
en years ; and after that, each inhabited town may, in like 
manner, hold fuch election, and choofe each one reprefen- 
tative forever thereafter. 

9. The houfe of reprefentatives of the freemen of this 
ftate, fhall confift of perfons moft noted for wifdom and vir- 
tue, to be chofen by ballot,, by the freemen of every town 
ill this ftate, refpeclively, on the firft Tuefday in September 
annually, forever. 

10. The reprefentatives fo chofen (a majority of whom 
fhall conftitute a quorum for t.ranfacting any other bufmefs 
than raiftng a ftate tax, for which two thirds of the mem- 
bers elected lhali be prefent) fhall meet en the fecond Thurs- 
day of the fucceeding October, and fhall be ftyled The gen- 
eral ajfcmhly of the Jlate of Vermont ; 

11. They fhall have power to choofe their fpeaker, fee* 
retary of ftate, their clerk and other neceflary officers of the 
houfe — fit en their own adjournments — prepare bills, and 
enact them into laws — judge of the elections and qualifica- 
tions^ their own members : they may expel members, but 
not for caufes known to their conftitoents antecedent to their 
election : 

12. They may admiinfler oaths and affirmations in mat- 
ters depending before them — redrefs grievances — impeach 
ftate criminals — grant charters of incorporation — conftitute 
towns, boroughs, cities, and counties ; they may annually, 
on their firft fefilon after their election, in conjunction with 
the council, (or oftener if need be) elect judges of the fu- 
preme and feveral county and probate courts, fheriffs and 
juftices of the peace ; 

13. And alio with the council may elect major-gener- 
als, and brigadier-generals, from time to time, as often as 

e fhall be oceaflon : and they fhall have all other pow- 



278 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

ers neceffary for the legifUture of a free and fovereign date": 
but they fhall have no power to add to, alter, abolilh, or 
infringe any part of this conftitution. 

14. The fupreme executive council of this ftate, {hall 
confift of a governor, lieutenant-governor, and twelve per- 
fons, chofen in the following manner. The freemen of each 
town fhall, on the day of the election for choofing reprefen- 
tatives to attend the general affembly, bring in their votes 
for governor, with his name fairly written, to the conftable, 
who (hall feal them, and write on them, Votes for the gov- 
ernor, and deliver them to the reprefentatives chcien to at- 
tend the general affembly ; 

15. And at the opening of the general affembly, there 
ih all be a committee appointed out of the council and af* 

jiy, who, after ibeing duly fworn to the faithful dif- 
"charge of their truil, fhall proceed to receive, fort, and 
count the votes for the governor, and declare the perfon 
who has the major part of the votes, to be governor for the 
year enfuing. 

16. And if there be no choice made, 'then the council 
and general affembly, by their joint ballot, fhall make choice 
of a governor. The lieutenant-governor and treafurer fhall 
be chofen in the manner above directed. And each free- 
man fhall give in twelve votes for twelve councillors, in the 
fame manner, and the twelve higheft in nomination fhall 
ferve for the enfuing year as councillors. 

17. The governor, and in his abfence, the lieutenant 
governor, with die council, (a major part of whom, inclu- 
ding the governor, or lieutenant-governor, fhall be a ( 
rum to tranfact builnefs) fhall have power to commiffion all 
officers — 

18. And alfo to appoint officers, except where provifion- 
is, or fhall be otherwise made by law, or this frame of gov- 
ernment — and mall fupply every vacancy in any office, oc- 
cafioned by death or oth^rwife, till the office can be filled 
in the manner directed by law or this conftitution. 

19. They are to correfpond with other (tales — tranfac't 
buiinefs with officers of government, civil and militar 
and to prepare fuch budnefs as may appear to them nece 
ry to lay before the general affembly. They ihall lit as 
judges to hear and determine on impeachments, taking to> 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 179 

their affiftance, for advice only, the judges of the fupreme 
court. 

20. And fhall have power to grant pardons and remit 
fines, in all cafes whatever, except in treafon and murder ; 
in which they fhall have power to grant reprieves, but net 
to pardon, till after the end of the next feffion of aifembly ; 
and except in cafes of impeachment, in which there fhall be 
no remiffion or mitigation of punifhment, but by act of le- 
giflation. 

21. They are alfo to take care that the laws be faithful- 
ly executed. They are to expedite the execution of fuch 
meafures as may be refolved on by the general aifembly. 
And they may draw on the treafury for fuch fums as may 
be appropriated by the houfe of reprefentatives. They may 
alfo lay embargoes, or prohibit the exportation of any com- 
modity, for any time not exceeding thirty days, in the re- 
cefs of the houfe only. 

22. They may grant fuch licences as fhall be directed by 
law ; and fhall have power to call together the general af- 
fembly, when neceffary, before the day to which they fhall 
(land adjourned. The governor fhall be captain general 
and commander in chief of the forces of the ftate, but fhall 
not command in perfon, except advifed thereto by the coun- 
cil, and then only fo long as they fhall approve thereof. 

23. And the lieutenant-governor fhall, by virtue of his 
office, be lieutenant-general of all the forces of the ftate. 
The governor, or lieutenant-governor, and the council, fhall 
meet at the time and place with the general affembly : the 
lieutenant-governor fhall, during the prefence of the com- 
mander in chief, vote and *ct as one of the council ; and 
the governor, and in his abfence the lieutenant-governor, 
fhall, by virtue of their offices, prefide in council, and have 
a cafting but no other vote. 

24. Every member of the council fhall be a juftice of 
the peace for the whole ftate, by virtue of his office. The 
governor and council {hall have a fecretary, and keep fair 
books of their proceedings, wherein any councillor may en- 
ter his diflent, with his reafons to fupport it ; and the gov- 
ernor may appoint a fecretary for himfelf and his council. 

25. The reprefentatives having met, and chofen their 
ipeaker and clerk, fhall each of them, before they proceed 



180 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

to bufinefs, take and fubfcribe, as well the oath or affirma- 
tion of allegiance herein after directed, (except where they 
{hall produce certificates of their having heretofore taken 
and fubfcribed the fame) as the following oath or affirma- 
tion. 

26. You do folemnly fwear (or affirm) that 
as a member of this affembly, you will not propofe, or af- 
fent to any bill, vote, or refolution, which fhall appear to • 
you injurious to the people, nor do or confent to any act or 
thing whatever, that fhall have a tendency to leifen or a- 
bridge their rights and privileges, as declared by the confti- 
tution of this ftate ; but will, in ail things, conduct your- 
ielf as a faithful, hone ft reprefentative, and guardian of the 
people, according to the bell: of your judgment and abili- 
ties, (in cafe of an oath) fo help you God. (And in cafe 
of an affirmation) under the pains and penalties of perjury. 

27. The doors of the houfe in which the general affem- 
bly of this commonwealth fhall fit, fhall be open for the ad- 
miffion of all perfons, who behave decently, except only 
when the welware of the ftate may require them to be fhut. 

28. The votes and proceedings of the general affembly 
fhall be printed (when one third of the members think it 
neceffary) as foon as convenient after the end of each fci» 
fion, with the yeas and nays on any queftion, when requir- 
ed by any .member (except where the votes fhall be taken by 
ballot) in which cafe every member fhall have a right to in- 
fert the reafons of his vote on the minutes. 

29. The ftyle of the laws of this ftate in future to be 
paffed, fhall be, // is hereby enacled by the general affembly of 
:hc Jlate of Vermont, 

30. To the end that laws, before they are enacled, may 
be more maturely confidered, and the inconvenience of haft 
ty determinations as much as poffible prevented, all bills 
which originate in the affembly, fhall be laid before the gov- 
ernor and council for their revifion and concurrence, or pro- 
pofals of amendment ; who fhall return the fame to the af- 
fembly, with their propofals of amendment, if any, in wri- 
ting ; 

31. And if the fame are not agreed to by the affembly, 
it fhall be in the power of the governor and council to fui- 
pend the paffing of fuch bills till the next feffion, of the 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 181 

p-iflature. Provided, that if the governor and council fhall 
neglect or refufe to return any fuch bill to the afTernbly, with 
written propofals of amendment, within five days or before 
the rifing of the legiflature, the Tame fhall become a law; 

32. No money mail be drawn out of the ti eafury, unlefs 
firft appropriated by act of legiflation. No perfon fhall be 
elected a reprefentative, unlefs he has refided two years in 
this ftate ; the laft of which fhall be in the town for which 
he is elected, 

33. No member of the council, or houfe of reprefenta- 
tives, mail, directly or indirectly, receive any fee or reward, 
to bring forward or advocate any bill, petition, or other bu- 
fmefs, to be tranfacted in the legiflature ; or advocate any 
caufe, as counfel in either houfe of legiflation, except when 
employed in behalf of the ftate* No perfon ought, in any 
cafe, or in any time, to be declared guilty of treafon or 
ony, by the legiflature. 

3i>. Every man of the full age of twenty-one years, hav- 
ing refided in this ftate for the fpace of one whole year next 
before the election of reprefentatives, and is of a quiet and 
peaceable behavior, and will take the following oath or affir- 
mation, fhall be entitled to all the privileges of a freeman of 
this ftate. 

35. You folenmly fwear (or affirm) that whenever yen 
give your vote or fuffrage, touching any matter that con- 
cerns the ftate of Vermont, you will do it fo as in yourctm- 
fcience you fhall judge will moft conduce to the beft good 
of the fame, as eftablifhed by the conftitution, without fear 
or favor of any man. 

36. The inhabitants of this ftate fhall be trained and arm* 
ed for its defence, under fuch regulations, reftrictiens, and 
exceptions, as congrefs, agreeably to the conftitution of the 
United States, and the legiflature of this ftate fhall direct. 
The feveral companies of militia fhall, as often as vacancies 
happen, elect their captain and other officers, and the cap- 
tains and fubalterns fhall nominate and recommend the field 
officers of their refpective regiments, who fhall appoint their 
ftaff officers. 

37. All commiffions fhall be in the name of the freemen 
of the ftate of Vermont, fealed with the ftate feal, figned by 
the governor, and in his abfence the lieutenant-governor, and 

O 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

atteftedby thefecretary ; which feal mall be kept by 
vernor. 

38. Every officer of ftate, whether judicial or executive, 
fhall be liable to be impeached by the general aflembly, ei- 
ther when in office, or after his resignation or removal for 
mal-adminiflration. All impeachments mall be before the 
governor, or lieutenant-governor, and council, who fliall 
hear and determine the fame, and may award cofts ; and no 
trial or impeachment fliall be a bar to a profecution at law. 

39. As every freeman, to preferve his independence (if 
without a fufficient eftate) ought to have fome profeffion, 
calling, trade or farm, whereby he may honeftly fubfift, 
there can be no neccffity for, nor ufc in, eftablifliing offices 
of profit, tile ufual effects of which are dependance and fer- 
vility, unbecoming freemen in the poifefTors or expectants, 
and faction, contention and difcord among the people. 

40. But if any man is called into public fervice to the 
prejudice of his private affairs, he has a right to a reafona- 
ble compenfation ; and whenever an office through increafe 
of fees or otherwife, becomes fo profitable as to occafion ma- 
ny to apply for it, the profits ought to be leifened by the le- 
giflature. 

41. And if any officer fliall wittingly and wilfully, take 
ater fees than the lav/ allows him, it fliall ever after dis- 
qualify him from holding any office in this Rate, till he fliall 
\>e rcftored by act of legiilation. 

12. No pcrfon in this ftate fliall be capable of holding or 
exercifrhg more than one of the following offices at the fame 
time, governor, lieutenant-governor, judge of the fupreme 
court, treafurer of the ftate, member of the council, mem- 
ber of the general aiTembly, furveyor-general, or fheriff. 

43. Nor fkall any perfon, holding any office of profit cr 
truft under the authority of congrefs, be eligible to any ap- 
pointment in the legiilature, or of holding any executive or 
judiciary office under this ftate. 

44. The treafurer of the ftate fliall, before the govern- 
or and council, give fufficient fecurity to the fecretary of the 
ftate, in behalf of the general affembly ; and each fheriff, 
before the firft judge of the county court, to the treafurer 
of their respective counties, pievious to their refpectivel) en- 

'^nrr on the execution of their offices, in fuch manner, and 
rams as fliall be directed by the legiilature. 



rlE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

45, The treasurer's accounts fhall be annually audited, 
and a fair ftatement thereof litid before the general affem- 

blv, at their fcrlion in October. 

;. Every judicial, executive, or mili- 

tary, in authority under this ftate, before he enters on the 
execution of his office, ihal) take and fubfcribe the following 
oath or affirmation of allegiance to this ftate (unlefs he fhall 
produce evidence that he has before taken the fame) and at 
to the following oath or affirmation of office, except milita- 
ry officers, and fuch as mall be exempted by the legislature. 
The -oath or affirmation of allegiance. 

47. You do folemnly fwear (or affirm) that you will be 
true and faithful to the ftate of Vermont, and that you will 
not, directly or indirectly, do any a& or thing injurious to 
the conftitution or government thereof, as eilablimed by con- 
vention. (If an oath) fo help you God. (If an affirma- 
tion) under the pains and penalties of perjury. 

The oath or affirmation of office 

48. You do folemnly iwear (or affirm) that 
you w T iil faithfully execute the office of for the (•/ 

; and will therein do equal right and juftice to all 
men, to the bed of your judgment and abilities, according 
to law. (If an oath) fo help you God. (If an affirma- 
tion) under the ptems and penalties of perjury. 

49. No perfon fhall be eligible t &ce of governor 
or lieutenant- governoY, till lie fhall have refided m I 

four years next preceding the day of his eled! 

50. Trials of blue, proper for fcb ; mce of a 

in the fupreme and county courts, ihall be by jury except 
where parties otherwife agree ; and great care ought to be 
taken to prevent corruption or partiality in the choice and 
return, or appointment of jurors. 

51. All profecutions ihall commence, By the/ 

the jlate of Vermont — all indictments (Kail conclude with th 
words, agalnft the peace and dignity of the Jlate* And all 6 
ihall be proportioned to the offences. 

52. The perfon of a debtor, where there is not ftrcng 
premmption of fraud, ihall not be continued in prii 
delivering and iigning ov; Ue 7 all his eirate, real and 
peribnal, in poiieffion, reverflon or remainder, for the 

of his creditors, in fuch manner as frill he hereafter r&m- 
; bv law. 



18* THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

53. And all prifoners, unlefs in execution, or committed 
for capital offences, when the proof is evident, or prefump- 
tion great, fhall be bailable by fufficient fureties ; nor fhall 
excefiive bail be .exacted for bailable offences. 

54. All elections, whether by the people or the legisla- 
ture, fhall be free and voluntary j and any elector, who lhall 
receive any gift or reward for his vote, in meat, drink, mon- 
ies, or otherwife, fhall forfeit his right to elect at that time, 
and fuffer fuch other penalty *is the law fhall direct ; 

55* And any perfon who fhall directly, or indirectly, 
give, promife or beftow, any fuch rewards to be elected, 
ihall thereby be rendered incapable to ferve for the enfuing 
year, and be fubjeet to inch further punifhment as a future 
legiflature fhall direct. 

56. All deeds and conveyances of land fhall be record- 
ed in the town desk's office, in their refpe&ive towns ; and 
for want thereof, in the county clerk's office of the fame 
county. The legiflature fhall regulate entails in fuch man- 
ner as to prevent perpetuities. 

57. To deter more effectually from the commiffion of 
crimes, by continued vifible punifhments of long duration, 
and to make fanguinary punifhments lefs neceilary, means" 
ought to be provided for punching by hard labor, thofe who 
fhall be convicted of crimes not capital, whereby the crimi- 
nal fhall be employed for the benefit of the public, or for 
the reparation cf injuries done to private perfons : and all 
perfons at proper times ought to be permitted to fee them 
at their labor. 

58. The eftates cf fuch perfons as may deftroy their own 
lives, faall not, for the offence, be forfeited, but defcend or 
afcend in the fame manner, as if fuch perfons had died in a 
natural way. Nor (hall any article, which fhall accidental- 
ly oecafion the death of any perfon, be henceforth deemed 
a (leodand, or in any wife forfeited on account of fuch mis- 

i me. 

59. Every perfon, of good character, who comes to fet- 
tle in this ftate, having firft taken an oath or affirmation of 
allegiance to the fame, may purchafe, or by other juft 
means acquire, hold, and transfer land,' or other real ef- 

tate \ * i , 

■60, And after one year's refidence, ihall be deeme a 



T xL E If A x iv X O -A ■ s " JVA tJ 

free den: eof, and entjri 

born fcbjetf of th except that 1. 

ble of be .nor, lieu rfuiv 

er, v itativfe ::. iter two 

yen: rice. 

61. The ifth; tave liberty in 
feafcnable tbties, to hunt and fowl on the lands they hold, 
and on 01 ids net enclofed ; and in like manner to 

in all beatable and other waters (not private property) un- 
der proper regulations, to be hereafter made and provided 
by the general affernbly. 

62. ""Laws for the encouragement of virtue and preven- 
tion of vice and immorality, ought to be constantly kept in 
force, and duly executed : and a competent number of 
fchools ought to bculaaintained in each town, for the ? 
venient initriicVion of yomh : and one or more grammar 
fchools be incorporated and properly ftipported in each 
county in this Mate. 

63. And all religious focieties or bodies of men, that 
may be hereafter united or incorporated for the advance- 
ment of religion and learning, or for odier pious and char- 
itable purpofes, fhall be encouraged and protected in the en- 
joyment of the privilege:, immunities, and eftates, whi 
they in juftice ought to enjoy, under fuch regie 

general aftembly of this it ate ihall dhv 

64. The declaration of the political rights a:. 
ges of the in] 

a pare of the contention of this commonwealth . 
not to be violated, on ar \ er. 

65. In order that the freedom of this c< 

may be preferved inviolate forever, there (h :. by 

ballot, by the freemen of this ftate, on the lift 
in March in every feven years thereafter, thirteen perl. 
who (hall be chofen in the fame manner the council is cl 
fen| except they (hall not be out of the council or gene 
allembly, to be called the council of cenfors ; 
- 68. Who ihall meet together on the fir ft Wednefde 
June next enfuing their election, the majority of whom i 
be a quorum in every cafe, except as to calling a cpnyen- 
} in which two thirds of the whole number elected fl 
ce : and whole dntv it ihall be to inquire, 
2 



ISu THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

conftitution has been preferred inviolate in every part, c 
ing the laft feptenary, (including the year of their fervice) : 

67. And whether the legiflative and executive branches 
of government have performed their duty, as guardians of 
the people, or afiurae to thernfelves, or exercifed, other or 
greater powers than they are entitled to by the conftitution. 

63. They are alfo to inquire, whether the public taxes 
have been juftly laid and collected in all parts of this com- 
monwealth — in what manner the public monies have been 
difpofed of — and whether the laws have been duly execut- 
ed. 

)'. For thefe purpofes they fhall have power to fend for 
$>erfons, papers, and records — they fhall have authority to 
public cenfures, to order impeachments, and to recom- 
mend to the legiilature the repealing fuch laws as fhall ap- 
pear to them to have been palled contrary to the principles 
of the conftitution : 

70. Thefe powers they fhall continue to have for and 
daring the fpace of one year from the day of their election, 
and no longer. The faid council of cenfors fhall alfo have 
power to call a convention, to meet within two years after 
their fitting, if there appears to them an abfolute neceffity 
of amending any article of this conftitution, which may be 
defective — explaining fuch as may be thought not clearly 
expreffed — and of adding fuch as are neceffary for the pref- 
ervation of the rights and happinefs of the people ; 

71. But the articles to be amended, and the amendments 
propofed, and fuch articles as are propofed to be added or 
abolifhed, fhall be promulgated at leail fix months before 
the day appointed for the election of fuch convention, for 
the previous confideration of the people, that they may have 
an opportunity of inftrucling their delegates on the fubject. 

By order of convention, Julv 9th, 1 793. 

THOMAS CHITTENDEN, prefident. 
Atteft, Lewis R. Morris, fecretary. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 187 

An Abridged View of the first Settle- 
ment of Vermont. 

1. THE large and valuable tract of country, which is 
now known by the name of Vermont, being filiated be- 
tween the New-England provinces, New-York and Canada, 
was not fettled in an early period with the reft. In the ) 
one thoufand fix hundred and rifteen, [61.3] the Dutch 
advanced as far as Albany and built a fori. In one thou- 
fand fix hundred and forty, [1»>40] the French began a fet- 
tlement at Montreal. In one thoufand fix hundred and fev- 
enty, [1670] the Engiifh fettled Deerneld. 

2. In the year one thoufand feven hundred and twenty- 
four, [1724] the fir ft fettlement was made in Vermont. 
The government of Maliaehufets then built fort Dummer. 
On the other fide of the (tare, the French m the year one 
tlioufand feven hundred and thirty-one, [J 731 ] built a fort 
at Crown Point, and made a fettlement. Being thus fitua- 
ted, it became the fource or controverfy between nations, on 
account of territory, and between provinces, on account of 
divifional lines. In one thoufand feven hundred and forty, 
[1740] the line was fettled between Maiiachufetts and New- 
Hampihire, 

3. In one tlioufand feven hundred and forty-nine, [1749] 
Benning Wentworth, governor of New-Hampihire, grant- 
ed a townfhip of land fix miles fquare, fituated twenty 
miles ead of Hudfon river and fix miles north of Maffad 
fetts line, and in allufion to his own name called it Benning- 
ton. In one tlioufand {ewsn hundred and fifty-four, [17.54 ] 
war commenced, between the Englifh and the French, and 
in one thoufand feven hundred and fixty, [1760] Montreal 
furrendered to the Englifh, which eftablifned peace in this 
quarter. 

4. By reafon of this war, the foldiers and others ob- 
tained a knowledge of the country, which invited not only 
fettlers, but a multitude of fpeculators. The governor of 
New-Hampfhire ordered, that three lines of townfnips 
fhould be furveyed, on both fides of Connecticut river. 
Within lefs than three years, from one thoufand feyen hun- 
dred and fixty-one, [1761] there was grant New- 
Harnplhire, one hundred and thirty-eight [ISoj townfhip.^ 



188 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 






5. Their jurlfdielion ran to a grant of New- York, made 
September third, one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-fix, 
[Sept. 3, Lj96,] to Godfrey Dudlius, twenty miles wide 
on the eafl fide of Hudfon river. Among other fpecUjla- 
tors, governor Wentworth accumulated a large fortune, 
from fees and donations ; befides five hundred acres, which 
lie referved to himfelf in each townfhip.* 

6. The government of New- York, intending to fpeculate 
on the lands, took umbrage at New-Hampihire, and firft, 
in the year one thou fan d fix hundred and fixty-four, [1C 
and, again, in one thoufand fix hundred and feventy-four, 
[1674] folicited and obtained a grant of land to the Duke 
of York, from the weft em bank of Connecticut river to 
Delaware bay, which interfered, not only, with the New- 
Hampihire claims, but, with the charters of MafTachufetts 
and Connecticut. 

7. The governor of New-Hampihire iiuied a proclama- 
tion, making null and void the claim ci New-York ; on 
which New-York applied to die crown, an wen- 
tieth, one thoufand feven hundred and ir, [July 20, 
1764] had their title confirmed. They then made the 
grant of NewJriampfture null and void ; and being more 
avaricious than New-Hampfhire, they raifed tl , and 
re-chartered theft towns, whenever any applied. 

8 Ne\v-Hampfhire eftimated the fe granting a 

townfhip, at one hundred dollars ; I -York fet the 

fees at two thoufand, and fometimes two thou hun- 

dred dollars, >]. The tow refufed, and 

feme of them never did take a charier from New- York. 
The government of New-York called out the militia, to take 
poileffion by force, but they did not feci the juftice of the 
caufe, and the fliefiff could not b; m to an engage- 

ment. There were, however, many abided, and fome 
wounded. 

9. Ii. thefe difficulties, EthaS Allen appeared very 
active, and put himfelf at the head of the oppofnion. His 
writings, though indited without much order or elegance, 
were adapted to the feelings of th< , and had a very 

* Gppernat. Wtntworth *s, fees* in lefs than 
ed to 1*5,800 dJlarsy befidej refirvtd land. 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 189 

great effect on their minds. By this we may learn, how 
forcible are right words. 

10. Though earneftly engaged in the contefl, he fhewed 
the honor and generofity of the hero, in avoiding bloodfhed, 
and iri fparing the lives of thole he had taken. Next to 
him, is c la fled Seth Warner, polleiling the fame fpirit, 
though lefs fiery, and was equally determined, he would 
(how bravery, when contending with the enemy, but, leni- 
ty to the captive ; by which, he would be underftood, that 
lie took up arms not for revenge, but for defence. 

11. In the midft of theft troubles, the fettlers fent three 
men to England for redrefs ; Mr. Samuel Robinfon, Mr. 
James Brackenbridge, and Mr. Hawley, who fo far accom- 
plifhed their willies, that the king, in one thoufand {even 
hundred and f f:xty-feven, [1767] put a (lop to the proceed- 
ings of the governor of New-York. 

12. Governor Tryon, on the ninth of May, one thou- 
fand feven hundred and feventy-two, [May 9, 1772] wrote 
a letter to Rev. Mr. Dewey and others in Bennington, that, 
if they would fend any perfons to them, except Mr. Alien 
and Warne*r and the others, it was probable it might be fet- 
tled ; they fent Capt. Stephen and Mr. Jonas Fay ; but, it 
proved ineffectual. 

13. In the year one thoufand feven hundred and feveri' 
ty-four, March the ninth, [March 9, 1774] the govern- 
ment of New-York paffed an acl, declaring all guilty of 

\iy, and mould fviffer death, who did not furrender them- 
feventy days after their acl was publifhed, and 
•ed fifty pounds a head for apprehending Ethan Allen, 
araer, and fix others. 

14. This ferved only to unite the people, and they made 
a public declaration, that " We will kill and deftroy 
perfon or perfons whomfoever, that {hall prefume to be ac- 
ceiiary, aiding or affifting in taking any of us. ,? When 
rneafures were thus defperate, Philhp Sieen, who was a colo- 
nel in a Britiih regiment, went to England, to have the dif- 
puted territory erected imo a new province, and himfelf the 
governor ; this would probably have taken place, had not 
the revolutionary difpute prevented. 

15. In conlequence of the proceedings of the Britifii 
; -r ? the American cclenies met in congrefs, September 



190 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

the fifch, one thoufand feven huudred and feventy.four r 
[Sept. 5, 17741 and advifed the people to maintain their 
liberties, in fucli ways as fhould be found necellary. 
firft object was, to flop the courts of juftice under the royal 
authority. 

16. Moved by this, a party collected at We ft minder, on 
the thirteenth of March, one thoufand feven hundred and 
feventy-five, [March 13, 1775] and would not fuffer the 
judges to enter the court. At eleven of the cl°ck that 
night, the fherifr with other officers went with a party to 
force an entrance, but being oppofed, they fired into the 
houfe and killed one man, and wounded others. This ferv- 
ed to exafperate the people. 

17. The next day, a large body afTemblcd from all 
quarters ; a coroner and jury of Jnnueft was foon prep; 
and brought in a verdict, that the ma d by 
the court party. Some of the officers were taken prifoners 
and carried to the gaol in Northampton, in Maifa:hufetts, 
but was afterwards releafed on application of New-York. 

18. This led the fettlers to ciioofe a committee to direct 
their meafures ; they met at Weftminfter, on the eleventh 
of April, and formed fome Spirited reiolves towards New- 
York. Their attention, however, was foon directed to a 
fubject of more general importance, ecc;iiioned by the mem- 
orable battle at Lexington, on the nineteenth of April. 

19. Allen, under the direction of Arnold, railed men 
and attacked the Britifh forts on Lake Champlairs and on 
the tenth of May, took Tycondercga and Crown Point, 
but, afterwards being ventarefome, he was taken prifoner 
at Montreal, and fuifered much in his imprifonment. War- 
ner had the command of a regiment of fettlers and prov- 
ed an excellent officer, 

'JO. Being without airy form of government, and feel- 
ing the nature, and foreleoing the importance of being uni- 
ted ; they found it neceilary, that fomethi ng fhould be 
done ; at length, they applied to the congrefs for advice, 
expreiiing at the fame time their readineis to affiii in the 
wars, according to their ability, but congrefs did : 
of importance as a body, individuals advifed to be govern- 
ed by a convention. 

21. This convention met at Dorfet, January fixteenth, 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 191 

thoufand feven hundred and feventy-fix, [Jan. 16, 1776] 
and dated their petition to congrefs the feventeenth. On 
the fourth of July, one thoufand feven hundred and feven- 
ty-fix, [July 4, 1776] congrefs made the declaration of in- 
dependence, by which the fettlers confidered all claims 
founded on charters, or Britifh authority, as done away. . 

22. The people found difficulties arifmg from every 
quarter, which had different effe&s on their minds ; fome 
were for uniting with New-York, fome with New-Hamp- 
fhire, and fome for being independent. New-Hampfhire, 
on the fecond day of Auguft, one thoufand feven hundred 
and feventy-fix, [Aug. 2, 1776] voted unanimoufly that 
the quitrents which were due to Great Britain fhould be paid 
to their convention, which in this ftate of confufion had 
been neglected. 

23. The quitrents refer ved for the crown, were in New- 
Hampfhire fixteen cents and two thirds for every hundred 
acres, (16 2-3 cts.) and in New- York, they were fifty-five 
cents and five ninths for every hundred acres ; (55 5-9 cts) 
this, .for twelve years or more, made fome difference to the 
fettlers, and ftill more fo, if they became independent. 

24. A convention met at Dorfet, July twenty-fourth, 
one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-fix, (July 21, 
1776) confiding of fifty-five members from thirty-five 
towns. They agreed to enter into an affociation for the de- 
fence of their common liberties, and declaring all enemies, 
who adhered to the New- York claims. September twenty- 
fifth, they met again, and declared themfelves a free and 

feparate diflriB. 

25. In January after, the convention met at Weftmin- 
fter, and on the fixteenth, made a declaration, " that the 
diftricl or territory, known by the name of the New-Hamp- 
fhire grants, fhall hereafter be confidered, as free and inde- 
pendent, by the name of Vermont * and a bill of rights and 
form of government be eftabjifhed next feflion. 

26. They prefented a petition to congrefs, dating their 
declaration of independence, and wifhing them to acknowl- 
edge the fame, — admit them to an equal rank with the reft 
of the ftates- — and allow them a reprefentation in congrefs. 
This convention was figned by Jonas Fay, Thomas Chit- 
tenden, Hem an Allen, and Reuben Jones. This was 



192 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

warmly oppofed by New- York in feveral remonftrances, and- 
congrefs difmifTed the petition of Vermont. 

27. This-ferved to unite them the ftronger, as they had 
feveral in congrefs in their favor, and the labors of Thom- 
as Young were of great fervice to them. On the fixth day 
of July, the American troops were obliged to abandon Ty- 
conderoga to general Burgqyne, which led the convention 
of Vermont to fend to New-Hampfhire for afliftance. 

28. They lent general Stark with a body of men, and 
with him a letter fuperfcribed to Ira Allen, fecretary of the 
ftate of Vermont, in which they addreiTed them, as a free 
and new Rate. But, difficulties arofe from another quarter, 
the adjoining towns on the eaft fide of Connecticut river, 
wifhed to join with the new ftate, and fixtecn towns peti- 
tioned the ftate of Vermont to be received. 

29 After much altercation and intrigue, they were ad- 
mitted, and an invitation to other towns to join them. N 
Hampihrre reirtonilrated at this, and (hewed that they had 
been coniidered as with them, and had acted as fuch. On 
this, they lent colonel Ethan Allen to congrefs to find how 
it appeared to them, whether they would approve of their 
doings, but found it other wife. 

30 The next year, they met at Windfor, October tenth, 
one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-eight, (Oct. 10, 

1778) ten of the iixteen towns fent a reprefentative, but 
finding the aiTembly of Vermont was not in favor of re- 
ceiving them, they with fome others withdrew. 

31. They then called a convention to meet in Comifh 
and confult on the fubject of the limits of the new ftate, 
which met on the ninth of December, but eight towns on 
the weft fide attended, and thefe generally refufed to do a- 
ny thing. It was now evident, that their whole aim had 
been to form a government, the centre and feat of which 
fhould be on Connecticut river. 

, 32. This was not agreeable to the general voice of Ver- 
mont, they accordingly voted, on the twelfth of February, 
one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-nine, (Feb. 12, 

1779) to dilTolve the union, which had fubfifted between 
them and the towns in New-Harnpfhire ; and communica- 
ted it to that government June twenty-fourth. 

33. This led the government of New-Hampfhire to 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 194 

claim the whole tracl: of Vermont, that belonged to them 
before the royal termination, in one thoufand feven hun- 
dred and fixty-four, (1761) and they petitioned to congrefs 
for the fame ; New- York then took the fame ftep to ob- 
tain it. 

34<. Maffachufetts, feeing the conduct of New-Hamp- 
fhire and New- York, followed their example, and threw in 
a claim to congrefs for a part of Vermont ; between thefe 
three claims to the country, and the inhabitants refoived to 
yield to neither, it became very troublefome to congrefs. 

35. At the fame time, governor Clinton, of New-York, 
wrote to his friend in Vermont, to be firm and prudent in 
oppofmg the government of Vermont ; his letter was dated 
July feventh, one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-eight. 
(July 7, 1778.) In one thoufand feven hundred and fev- 
cnty-nine, (1779) governor Clinton gave commillions to 
fome of his friends in the fouth eaft part of Vermont, 
called by that ftate Cumberland county. Colonel Patterfon 
raifed a regiment of about five hundred men. (500). 

56. On the other hand, colonel Ethan Allen was direct- 
ed to raife a part of the militia to oppofe him. Alarmed 
at this, governor Clinton Wrote to the prefident of congrefs, 
May eighteenth, for their immediate interpofition. This, 
with feveral other papers, was laid before congrefs, May 
twenty-ninth. (May 29). 

". On the firft of June, congrefs refoived, " that a 
committee be appointed to repair to the inhabitants of a cer- 
tain diitricl, known by the name of the New-Hampihire 
grants, and inquire into the reafons why they refufed to con- 
tinue citizens of the refpe<ftive dates, which heretofore exer- 
cifed jurifdiction over the laid diftricl:. And, that tliey take 
every prudent meafure to promote an amicable fettlement of 
all differences, and prevent divifions and animofities, fo pre- 
judicial to the United States.' y 

38. Colonel Allen with his armed force took colonel 
Patterfon, and the chief of his officers, prifoners. This be- 
came a fubjecl: of complaint to the governor of New- York 
and of the governor to congrefs. On the fixteenth of June, 
congrefs refoived, that the prifoners ought to be liberated. 
Five commiffiorters were appointed to repair to Vermont ; 
of thefe, two only attended, doctor WltherfpoDn and Mr. 
Atle. R 



-194 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

39. After making due inquiry, they made report, on 
the thirteenth of July, that they had done nothing to any 
purpofe. On the twenty- fourth of September, congrefs 
pafTed an order of notice to the ftates, who claimed die land 
of Vermont, and likewife to the inhabitants of the land, to 
meet on the firft of February next before them, and they 
would hear and determine on the fame. 

40. New-Hampfhire and New- York approved of this 
order, but Maffachufetts and Vermont would not acquiefce, 
and efpecially the latter ; who, in a public appeal, called 
in queflion the authority of congrefs over them, as they 
were not reprefented in that body. On the firft of Februa- 
ry, the fubjecl: was not called up. On the - twenty-fir ft of 
March, it was poftponed. On the ninth of June, it was 
deferred till the fccond Tuefday of September. 

41. Governor Chittenden, in a letter to congrefs, dated 
July twenty-fifth, one thoufand feven hundred and eighty, 
(July 25, 1780) reminds congrefs, that they were not in- 
cluded in the thirteen ftates — that they were free and inde- 
pendent — that they had a right to make a treaty of peace 
with Great Britain by themfelves, if they mould fee fit — 
and, that now they were induced, for the laft time, to offer 
-union with the United States, of which congrels was the le- 
gal reprefentative body. 

42. On the nineteenth of September, congrefs notified 
Ira Allen and Stephen R. Bradley, the agents for Vermont, 
to attend and hear the trial, but congrefs not acknowledg- 
ing them in their public character, they remonftrated againft 
their proceedings ; and at the fame time let them know, 
that they were willing to bear their proportion of the bur- 
den of the war, if they would acknowledge them as a ftate 
in the union. 

43. Congrefs forefeeing the evils, which would arife in 
coming to a refult on the fubjecl:, queried their power to 
create a new ftate, and waved it for the prefent. The ad- 
vocates for New-Hampfhire claims called a convention by 
letters, to fit in Charleftown, in hopes to bring them over 
to New-Hampfhire. 

44. The convention was holden January fixteenth, one 
thoufand feven hundred and eighty-on^ (Jan. 16, 1781) 
forty-three towns were reprefented ; but, to their difappoint- 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 195 

ment, a large majority was in favor of joining with Ver- 
mont. They appointed a committee, who on the tenth of 
February prefented their requeft to the aiTembly fitting at 
Windibr. 

45. On the fourteenth of February, the affembly accept- 
ed the requcit, and the New-Hampfhire convention fitting 
then in Cornvfn, on the other fide of the river, on the twen- 
ty-fecond, entered into a union with Vermont, to be facred- 
jy obferved. Petitions were prefented by the adjacent in- 
habitants of New- York to join with Vermont. 

46. On the fourteenth of February, they extended their 
jurifdicYion to Hudfon river. In April, thirty-five towns 
eafi of Connecticut river joined Vermont. On the fifteenth 
of May, twelve diftricts from New-York joined. This un- 
ion eftabrilhed the people and led the affembly to difregard 
congrefs or any other oppofer : they proceeded to regrant 
thofe lands that were granted by New- York. 

47. Another circum (lance drew in a number, who were 
unfriendly to the revolution : many entertained an idea, 
that Vermont would become a Britim.. province ; even the 
Britifh generals and ministers conceived great expectations 
of accomplishing this. Colonel Robinfon in the Britifh fer- 
vice wrote a letter to colonel Ethan Allen on the fubje&, 
dated New-York, March thirtieth, one thoufand feven hun- 
dred and eighty. (March 30, 1780). 

48. This was delivered to colonel Allen, by a Britifh 
foldier in the habit of an American firmer. The colonel 
(hewed it to die governor and to a certain number of gen- 
tlemen, and agreed not to anfwer the letter. On February 
fecond the next year, Robinfon wrote to Allen again, With 
lhe former letter enclofed. This was not anfwered. 

4 9. On the ninth of March, one thouiand feven hun- 
dred and eighty-one, (March 9, 1781) colonel Allen en* 
clofed thefe letters, and lent them to congrefs, informing 
them of all the circumftances which had attended the butt- 
neis. Tills was accompanied with a firm declaration to 
maintain their independence as a (late. 

50. In the fpring of the year one thoufand feven hun- 
dred and eighty, (1780) a party made a del cent on Royal- 
ton, and made fome priibners. The governor lent a flag to 
treat with them. They wrote to Ethan Allen, now a brie- 



m THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

^idier general, for a ceiTation of hoftilities for the time of 
treaty, which was agreed to. Colonel Ira Allen and ma- 
jor Jofeph Fay were commiffioned for this purpofe. 

51. The Brit'fh agents then propofed to them to become 
a province. By various arts, they feafted their expectation* 
but waved the fubject for the prefent. This evafive acl was 
practifed through the war, to the unfpeakable benefit of the 
people of Vermont ; for the Britifli liberated their prifonei s 
and made no defcent on their frontiers. 

52. During this time, a number of fettlers paffed and 
repaired, filled with viftonary fchemes and proposals. The 
laft letter that was written by the Britifh agents, was dated 
March twenty-fifth, one thoufand fe veil hundred and eighty- 
three. (March 25, 1783). There were but eight perfons 
in Vermont concerned in this fecret correfpondence. 

53. So odious were the Britilh proceedings and govern- 
ment, that it was with difficulty that the people in Vermont 
could be kept quiet under this correfpondence, though they 
knew it was for their protection. Nothing but their confi- 
dence in thefe eight gentlemen reftrained them from open 
violence. 

54.. An intercepted letter, written at Whitehall, in Eng- 
land, to Sir Henry Clinton, dated February feventh, one 
thoufand feven hundred and eighty-one, (Feb. 7, 1781) was 
carried into Philadelphia ; which fpake with confidence, that 
the people of Vermont would return to their allegiance. 
This was published on the fourth of Auguft. 

55.- This excited congrefs to nfe means to prevent it. 
On the twentieth of Auguft, congrefs voted to receive Ver- 
mont into the union, if they would make Connecticut river 
their .eaftern boundary, and twenty miles eaft of HuJfon 
river, and lake Champlain their weftern bound;uy. In Oc- 
tober, the affembly of Vermont met at (Jharleftown, and 
on the nineteenth voted not to accept of the refolution of 
congrefs. 

56. New-York boldly protefted againft the proceedings , 
of conpreis, and railed a body of troops and marched th< 
1 over on the end fide of Hudfon river, to bring the inhal 
ant's" to llibje&ion. New-Hampfliire at the fame time lent a 
collector to levy an afleflment on the towns eaft of Conner! i- 
cut river, with power to ufe force. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 197 

57. This animated the fettlers in Vermont with increaf- 
ed zeal to defend themfelves ; they wrote to the prefident of 
New-Hampfhire, that if they ufed force, they fhould meet 
him with force, and railed a detachment under colonel Wal- 
bridge, who marched to meet the troops from New-York, 
with full determination to defend thofe under their protec- 
tion. 

58. Happy for the country, they all had more wifdom 
and poffeiied more moderation, than to proceed to hoftili- 
ties. This, however, led general Wafhington to write to 
governor Chittenden, urging a compliance with the refolves 
of congrefs on the twentieth of Auguit, with which the 
general alfembly complied, on the twenty-fecond of Febru r 
ar^ one thoufand feven hundred and eighty-two. (Feb. 
22, 1782). 

59. The affembly chofe four agents to conduct the bull - 
nefs of admitting them into the federal union, but congrefs 
then evaded the fubjec"t. The next Oclober, they chofe a- 
gents to complete this object. In the mean time, the gov- 
ernor of New-York, by his influence, engaged a number in 
the foutherly part of the ftate to attempt to enforce die laws 
of New- York. 

60. This made it neceffary for Vermont to call out the 
militia to defend the courts of jufVice in the county of Wind* 
ham. They banidied fome, and lined others. This led the 
governor of New-York to apply again to congrefs. After 
much difficulty, congrefs paifed a vote of feverity againft 
Vermont — commanding them to reftore thofe ban idied, and 
make good all damage. 

61. This produced a fpirited reply from Vermont, that 
their proceedings tended to make the liberty and natural 
rights of mankind a mere bubble — that it was of no impor- 
tance to America to pull down arbitrary power in one form, 
that they might eftablifh it in another. And befides r they 

. had proceeded to hear and decide on the fubjedt by hearing 
evidence on one fide only, contrary to all laws or cuftoms. 

62. By this time, Vermont had loft their faith in the vir- 
tue of congrefs, and on the fettlement of peace with Great 
Britain, felt no inclination to be admitted into the federal 
union. Thus, Vermont remained by herfelf till after the 
ftew federal conftitution was eftabliftied. Then New-York* 

R 2 



198 THE PATRIOTS MONITO 

defirous to hold the feat of federal government, felt the . 
portance of laying afide the old controverfy with Vermont, 
and receive that Kate into the union. 

63. Accordingly New-York, on the fifteenth of July, 
one thoufand feven hundred and eighty-nine, (July 15, 
1789) thofe commiffi oners to fettle the difpute with Ver- 
mont. October twenty-third, one thoufand feven hundred 
;nd eighty-nine, (0<5t. 23, 1789) Vermont chofe commif- 
fioners on their part. October fcventh, one thoufand feven 
hundred and ninety, (Oct. 7, 1790) the commiffioners made 
report to the legislature of New-York, and on the twenty-' 
eighth, to that of Vermont, which was mutually accepted. 

64. The commiffioners reported, that New-York would 
refign all claims on the ftate of Vermont, twenty miles e.ift 
of Hudfon's river and eaft of the deepen: channel in lake 
Champlain, if the legiflature of Vermont would declare, on 
or before the firft of January, one thoufand {even hundred 
and ninety-two, (Jan. 1. 1792) that on or before the flrft 
of June, one thoufand feven hundred and ninety-four, (June 
1> 1794) they would pay to New-York thirty thoufand dol- 
lars. (30,000 dols.) 

65. The general affembly called a convention to meet at 
Bennington, on the fixth day of January, one thoufand fev- 
en hundred and ninety-one, (Jan. 6, 1791) for the purpofe 
of being admitted into the federal union. They adjourned 
till the tenth, and proceeded with only two diifenting votes. 
On the eighteenth, made choice of the honorable Nathaniel 
Chipman and Lewis R. Morris efquires, commiffioners to 
perfect it in congrefs. 

66. And, on February eighteenth, Vermont was admit- 
ted into the federal union, by an acl of congrefs, without 
any debate or di/Tenting vote. Their reprefentation took 
then* feats in congrefs, March the fourth, one thoufand fev- 
en hundred and ninety -one. (March 4, 1791). Thus end- 
ed twenty-fix years controverfy with New- York in a partic- 
ipation of an equal fhare of happinefs under the freeft and 
belt conftijution known in the civilized world. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. .199 



Byography qt the first Governor of 

Vermont. 

J. THOMAS CHITTENDEN, firft governor of Ver- 
mont, was born at -hail Guilford, Connecticut, in one thcu- 
fand feven hundred and thirty. (1730.) His mother was 
fifter of the reverend doctor Johnfon. He received a com- 
mon fchool education, which at that period contributed but 
little to the improvement of the mind. 

2. Agreeable to the cuftom of New-England, he mar- 
ried early in life, when in his twentieth year, and foon re- 
moved to Salisbury, in the county of Litchrietd. Here, by 
a regular advance he pafTed through the feverai grades of 
the militia to the command of a regiment. 

3. He many years reprefented the town, in which he 
lived, in the genera! arTembly,and thus acquired that know- 
ledge of public bufmefs, which afterward rendered him fo 
eminently ufeful in Vermont. The office of a justice of 
peace for the county of Litchfield, which he alfo fuliained, 
made him acquainted with the laws of the flate, and the 
manner of carrying them into effect. 

4. Though delt-itute of learning, his good fenfe, affa- 
bility, kindnefs, and integrity gained him the confidence of 
his fellow citizens, and the higheft honors, which a retired 
town could beitow, were given him. His attention was 
principally directed to agriculture, and he labored personal- 
ly in the Mela. 

5. With a numerous and growing family, a mind form- 
ed for adventures, and a firmnefs, which nothing could fub- 
due, he determined to lay a foundation for the future pros- 
perity of his children by emigrating to the New-Hampfhire 
grants, as Vermont was then called. He, accordingly, in 
one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-four, (1774) re- 
moved to Willi (Ion, on Onion river. 

6. An aim oil trackiefs wildernefs now feparated him 
from his former refidence. Here he fettled on fine lands, 
which opened a wide field for induftry, and encouraged 
many new fetters. In the year one thoufand feven hundred 
•and feventy-fix, j[177B) the troubles, occafioned by the war, 
tendering it neceifary -tor him to remove, he purchased, an 



200 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

eftate in Arlington, and continued in that town till one 
thoufand feven hundred and eighty -feven, ( 17&7 ) when he 
returned to Willi fton 

7. In the controverfy with New-York, he was a faithful 
advifer and a ftrong fupporter of the feeble fettlers. Dur- 
ing the war of the American revolution, while Warner, Al- 
len, and many others were in the field, he was ailiduoufly 
engaged in the council at home, where he rendered eifential 
iervice to his country. 

8. He Was a member of the convention, which on the 
fixteenth of January, one thoufand feven hundred and fev- 
enty-feven (1777) declared Vermont an independent ftate, 
and was appointed one of the committee to communicate to 
congrefs the proceedings of the inhabitants, and to folicit 
for their diftricl, an admiffion into the union of the Amer- 
ican Hates. 

9. When the powers of government were a {Turned by 
this ft ate, and a constitution was eftabliihed in one thoufand 
feven hundred and ft venty -eight, the eyes of the freemen 
were immediately fixed on Mr. Chittenden as their firft n 

i ft rate, He was accordingly elected to that arduous and 
difficult office, and continued in it, one year only excepted, 
till his death. 

10. From the year one thoufand feven hundred and 
eighty (1780) till the conclufion of the war, during which 
period, in which the fituation of Vermont was peculiarly 
perplexing, he difpiayed a confuznmate policy. The ftate 
was not acknowledged by the congrefs, and they were con- 
tending on the one hand for independence, and on the other 
hand they were threatened by the Brit -s from Can- 
ada. 

11. A little management was neceifary to promote the 
interefts of this diftricl. A correfpondencc was opened with 
the enemy, who were flattered for feveral years with a be- 
lief, that the people of Vermont were about to fubjecl: them- 
ielves to the king of England ? K and thus a meditated inva- 
sion of the territory was averted* and the prifoners were res- 
tored. 

12. At the fame time, the poffibility that Vermont 
would defert the caufe of America, was held up to con- 
grefs, and by this means probably the fettlers were not re- 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 201 

quired to fubmit to the claims of New- York. Such was the 
politic courfe, which governor Chittenden thought it necef- 
fary to purfue. 

13. He enjoyed very good health till about a year be- 
fore his death. In October, one thoufand feven hundred 
and ninety-fix, (1796) he took an affecting leave of his 
compatriots in the general atfembly, imploring the benedic- 
tion of heaven on them and their conftituents. He died, 
Auguft twenty-fourth, one thoufand feven hundred and 
ninety-feven, (Aug. 24-, 1797) aged fixty-ieven years. 

!4. Governor Chittenden, though an illiterate man, pof- 
fcifcd great talents. His difcermrunt was keen, and no 
perfon knew better how to cffecl; great dehgns, than himfelf. 
Though his open franknefs was fometimes abufed, yet when 
fecrecy was required in order to accomplish his purpofes, no 
mifplaced confidence made them liable to be defeated. 

15. His negociations during the war, were mailer ftrokes 
of policy. He poifeifed a peculiar talent in reconciling the 
jarring interefts among the people. The important fervices 
wliich he rendered to his country, and efpecially to Ver- 
mont, make his name worthy of honorable remembrance. 
He lived to fee aftoniihing changes in the diiiricT, which 
was almoft a wildernefs, when he flrft removed to it. 

16. Inftead of his little band of aiTociatcs, he could enu- 
merate a hundred thoufand perfons, whole interefts were 
entrufted to his care. He faw them riling fuperior to op- 
preflion, braving the horrors of a foreign war, and finally 
obtaining a recognition of their independence, and an ad« 
million into the United States of America. 

17. Governor Chittenden was confpicuous for his private 
viriues. In times of fcarcity and diftrefs, which are notun- 
frequent in new fettlements, he difplayed a noble liberality 
of fpirit. His granary was open to all the needy. He was 
a profeilbr of religion, a worfhipper of God, believing in 
the Son to the glory of the Father. A number of his let- 
ters to congreft and to general Waflnngton were publifhed. 



202- THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

President Adams 5 Inaugural Speech.* 

1. WHEN it was firfl: perceived in early times, that 
no middle courfe for America remained ; between unlimit- 
ed fubmifflon to a foreign legiflature, and a N total indepen- 
dence of its claims ; men of reflection were lefs apprehen- 
five of danger, from the formidable power of fleets and ar- 
mies, they muft determine to refift, than from thole contefts 
and diiie-ntions, which would certainly arife, concerning the 
forms of government to be inftituted, over the whole and 
over the parts of this extenfive country. 

2. Relying however* on the purity of their intentions, 
the juftice of their caufe, and the integrity and intelligence 
of the people under an over-ruling Providence which had fo 
fignally protected this country from the firft. The reprefen- 
iailves of this nation then con/jfi title more than half its 
prefent numbers ', not only lr ke i > pieces the chains which •: 
fprging\ and the rpd f iron ihat was If: t frankly 
dfunder the ties which had buuncl ihe?n, and lai 

of uncertainty. 

3. The zeal and ardor of the people, during the revc- 
lutionary war, fupplying the place of government, com- 
manded a degree of order, fuflicient at lead for the tempo- 
rary prefervation of fociety. The confederation, which was 
early felt to be-neceffary, was prepared from the Batavian 
and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which rem 
witli any detail and precifion, in hiliory, and certainly 
only ones, which the people at large, had ever conlidered. 

4. But reflecting on the ftriking difference, in fo many 
particulars, between this country and thofe, where a couri- 
er may go from the feat of government to the frontier in a 
fingle day, it was then certainly forefeen by fome who 
lifted in congrefs at the formation of it, that it could not 
be durable. 

5. Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its re- 
commendations, if not difobedience to its authority, not on- 
ly in individuals but in Mates, foon appeared, with tkeir 



* Not obtaining prefideni Adams* fpee:h in feafon, 
under the necejfly of breihing the order propofed, and of in} 



tng it here. 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 203 

melancholy confequences, univerfal languor, jeatoufle* and 
rivalries of dates ; 

6. Decline of navigation and commerce ; difcourage* 
ment of neceflary manufactures ; univerfal fall in the value 
of lands and their produce 5 contempt of public and pri- 
vate faith ; lofs of confideration and credit with foreign na- 
tions ; and at length, in difcontents, animofities, combina- 
tions, partial conventions, and infurrection, threatening 
fome great national calamity — 

7. In this dangerous crifis, the people of America were 
•not abandoned, by their ufual good fenfe, prefence of _mind, 

refolution or integrity — meafures were purfued to concert a 
plan to form a more perfect union, eitablifh juftice, enfure 
domeflic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, pro- 
mote the general welfare, and fecure the bleffings of liber- 
ty. The public difquifitions, difcufTions and deliberations, 
ilfued in the prefent happy confutation of government. 

8. Employed in the fervice of my country abroad, 
during the whole courfe of thefe tranfaclions, I fir ft faw the 
constitution of the United States in a foreign country. 

9. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no 
public debate, heated by no party animofity, I read it with 
great fatisfaction, as a refult of good heads, prompted by 
good hearcs ; as an experiment, better adapted to the gen- 
ius, character, fituation and relations of this nation and 
country, than any which had ever been propofed or fuggeft- 
ed. 

10. In its general principles and great outlines, it was 
conformable to fuch a fyflem of government, as I had ever 
mod etteemed, and in fome ftates, my own native ftate in 
particular, had contributed to eftablim. 

1 1 . Claiming a right of fuffrage, in common with my 
fellow citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a conftitution 
which was to rule me and my pofterity, as well as them and 
theirs, I did not heiitate to exprefs my approbation of it, on 
all occafions, in public and in private. 

12. It was not then, nor has been fince, any objection to 
it, in my mind, that the executive and fenate were not more 
permanent. Nor had I ever entertained a thought of pro- 
moting any alteration in it, but fuch as the people them- 
felves, in the courfe x)f their experience fhould fee and feel 



204. THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

to be necefTary or expedient, and by their reprefentatives m 
congreis and the (late legislatures, according to die consti- 
tution itfelf, adopt and ordain. 

13. Returning to the bofom of my country, after a pain- 
ful feparation from it, for ten years, I had the honor to be 
elected to a flation under the new order of things, and I 
have repeatedly laid myfelf under the mofl ferious obliga- 
tions to fupport the conftitution. 

14. The operation of it has equalled the mod fanguine 
expectations of its friends : and from an habitual attention 
to it, fatisfaction in its administration and delight in its ef- 
fects, on the peace, order, profperity and happinefs of the 
nation, I have acquired an habitual attachmant to it, and 
veneration for it. 

15. What other form of government indeed can fo well 
deferve our efteem and love ? There may be little folidity in 
an ancien: idea, that congregations of men into citizens and 
nations, are the mod pleaiing objects in the fight of Superi- 
or intelligences : 

16. JL3ut this is very certain, that to a benevolent human 
mind, there can be no ipectacle prefented by any nation, 
more pleaiing, more noble, majeftic or auguit, than an af- 
fembly, like that which has fo often been feen in this and 
4:he other chamber of congrefs, of a government, in which 
the executive authority, as well as that of all the branches 
of the legislature, are exercifed by citizens felected, at reg- 
ular periods, by their neighbors, to make and execute laws 
for the general good. 

17. Can any thing effential, any thing more than mere 
ornament and decoration be added to this by robes or dia- 
monds ? Can authority be more amiable or refpectable, when 
it defcends from accidents, or inftitutions eftabiiShed in re- 
mote antiquity, than when it fprings freih from the hearts 
and judgments of an honeit and enlightened people. 

18. For it is the people only that are reprefented : \t is 
their power, and majefty, that is reflected and only for their 
good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form 
it may appear. The existence of fuch a government as 
ours, for any length of time, is a full proof of a general 
diSTemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole 
body of the people. 



THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 205 

19. And what object or confideration more pleafing than 
this can be preiented to the human mind ? If national pride 
is ever juitifiable or excufable, it is when it fprings, not 
from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from convic- 
tion of national innocence, information and benevolence. 

20. In the midft of thefe pleafing ideas, we mould be 
unfaithful to ourfelves, if we fhouid ever lofe fight of the 
danger to our liberties, if any tiling partial or extraneous 
fhouid infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous and inde- 
pendent elections. If an election is to be determined by a 
majority of a fmgle vote, and that can be procured by a 
party through artifice or corruption, the government may 
be the choice of a party, for its own ends, not of the na- 
tion, for the national good. 

21. If that folitary fufFrage can be obtained by foreign 
nations by flattery or menaces, fraud or violence, by terror, 
intrigue or venality, the government may not be the choice 
of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may 
be foreign nations who govern us, and not we the people, 
who govern ourfelves. And candid men will acknowledge, 
that in fuch cafes, choice would have little advantage to hoafi 
of, over lot or chance. 

22. Such is the amiable and interefting fyftem of gov- 
ernment (and fuch are fome of the abufes to which it may 
be expofed) which the people of America have exhibited to 
the admiration and anxiety of the wife and virtuous of all 
nations, for eight years, under the adminiflration of a citi- 
zen, who, by a long courle of great actions, regulated by 
prudence, juftice, temperance and fortitude ; 

23. Conducting a people, inipired with the fame virtues? 
and animated with the fame ardent patriotifm and love of 
liberty, to independence and peace, to increafe wealth and 
unexampled profperity ; has merited the gratitude of his 
fellow citizens, commanded the higheit praifes of foreign 
nations, and fecured immortal glory with pofterity. 

24. In that retirement which k his voluntary choice*. 
may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his- 
fervices, the gratitude of mankind ; the happy fruits of 
them to h : mfelf and the world, which, are daily increafmg, 
and that fpiendid profpect of the future fortunes of h"s coun- 
try, which is opening from year to year. His; name may 



206 THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 

be full a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a I 
wark againft all open or fecret enemies of his country's 
peace. 

25. This example has been recommended to the imita- 
tion of his fucceffors, by both houfes of congrefs, and by 
< he voice of the - legiflatures and the people, throughout the 
nation. On this fubject it might become me better to be 
iilent, or to fpeak with diffidence : but as fomething may 
be expected, the occafion, I hope, will be admitted as an 
apology, if I venture to fay, that 

26. If, a preference, on principle, of a free republican 
government, formed on long and ferious reflection, after a 
diligent and impartial inquiry after truth ; if, an attach- 
ment to the conftitution of the United States, and a confer 
entious determination to fupport it, till it fhall be altered 
by the judgments and wi/hes of the people, expreifed in 
the mode prefcribed in it ,- 

27. If, a refpectful attention to the conftitutions of the 
ividual Rates, and a conftant caution and delicacy to- 
wards die ft ate governments ; if, an equal and impartial re- 

d to the rights, interefts, honor and happinefs of all the 

hues in the union, without preference or regard to a north - 

vn or fouthern, an eaftern or weftern pofition, their various 

political opinions on uneflential points, or their perfonal at- 

achments ; 

28. If a love of virtuous men of all parties and denom- 
; na lions ; if a love of fcience and letters, and a wifli to pat- 
ronize every rational effort to encourage fchools, colleges, 

miverfities, academies, and every inftitution for propagat- 
ing knowledge, virtue and religion among all claifes of the 
people : 

29. Not only for their benign influence on the happinefs 
of life, in all its ftages and dalles, and of fociety in all its 
forms ; but as the only means of preferving our conititu- 
uon from its natural enemies, the fpirit of fophiftry, the 
ipirit of party, the fpirit of intrigue, the profligacy of cor- 
ruption, and the peililence of foreign influence, which is the 
angel of deftruction to elective governments ; 

SO. If a love of equal laws, of juilice and humanity, 
in the interior adminiftration ; if an inclination to improve 
'Aviculture., commerce and manufactures for neceQIty, con- 



THE PATRIOT'S MONITOR. 207 

venience and defence ; if a fpirit of equity and humanity 
towards the aboriginal nations of America, and a difpofi- 
tion to meliorate their condition, by inclining them to be 
more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to 
them ; 

31. If an inflexible determination to maintain peace and 
inviolable faith, with all nations, and that fyfiem cf neutral- 
ity and impartiality, among the belligerent powers of Eu- 
rope, which has been adopted by this government, and fo 
folemnly fanctioned by both houfes of congrefs, and ap- 
plauded by the legiflatures of the ftates, and the public opin- 
ion, till it fhall be otherwife ordained by congrefs ;.» 

32. If a perfonal efteem for the French nation, formed 
in a refidence of feven years, chiefly among them, and a 
iincere defire to preferve the friendfliip which has been fo 
much for the honor and intereft. of both nations ; if, while 
the confcious honor and integrity of the people of America, 
and the internal fentiment cf their own power and energies 
mud be preferved, an earnelt endeavor to inveftigate every 
j-uft caufe and remove every colorable pretence of complaint ; 

33. If an intention to purfue, by amicable negociation, 
a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on 
the commerce of our fellow citizens by whatever nation ; 
and if fuccefs cannot be obtained, to lay the fads before the 
legiflature, that they may confider, what furdier meafures 
the honor and intereft of the government and its condim- 
ents demand ; 

34. If a refolution to do juftice, as far as may depend 
on me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace,, 
friendihip and benevolence with all the world ; if an unfha- 
ken confidence in the honor, fpirit, and refources of the A- 
merican people, on which I have fo often hazarded my all, 
and never been deceived ; 

35. If, elevated ideas of the high deftinies of this coun- 
try, and of my own duties towards it, founded on a know- 
ledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvement., 
©f the people, deeply engraven on my mind in early life, 
and not obicur ; but exalte S by experience and age ; 

36. And b humble reverence I feel it to be my du- 
ty to add, i ration for the religion of a people, who 
grofefs ar.U Selves chrifcians, and a fixed refbiutier: 



208 THE PATRIOTS MONITOR. 

to confider a decent refpect for chriftianity, among the belt 
recommendations for the public feryice ; can enable me, in 
any degree to comply with your withes, it (hall be my ftren- 
uous endeavor that this fagacious injunction of the two 
houfes fhall not be without effect. 

37. With this great example before me ; with the fenfe 
and fpirit, the faith and honor, the duty and intereft of the 
fame American people, pledged to iupport the conftitution 
of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continu- 
ance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared, without 
hefitation, to lay myielf under the moil foleinn obligations 
to fupport it, to the utmoft of my power. 

3>8. And may that Being, who is fupreme over all, the 
patron of order, the fountain of juftice, and the protector, 
ki all ages of the world, of virtuous liberty, continue his 
bleffing on this nation and its government, and give it all 
poflible fuccefs and duration, confident with the ends of his 
providence. 

JOHN ADAMS. 

United States, March 4, 1797* 



CONTENTS. 



DECLARATION of independence, - . . 3 
Gen. Wajhingtoris appointment and acceptance of the com* 

mand of the American army, .... 7 

Gen. Wajhingtoris addrefs to the army, - - - 8 

Gen. Wajhingtoris resignation of the command of the army, 12 

Gen. Wajhingtori j circular letter to the governors, 13 

Conjlitution of the United States, 25 

Refolve of convention, ...... 37 

Letter of convention, ...... 38 

Refolve of congrefs, ...... 40 

Amendments of the conjlitution, .... 40 

Prefident Washington's inaugural fpeech, ... 44 
Prejident Wajhingtori s addrefs to the people of the U. States, 48 
Gen. Wajhingtori s acceptance of the command of the army un- 
der prejident Adams* . - - - 66 
Extracl from Gen. Lee's oration on the death of Gen. W. 63 
Extracl from the condolence of the fenate of the U. States, 69 
Extradt from Dr. Whartoris fermon on the death of Gen. W. 69 
Extracl from Mr. Ames' oration on the death of Gen. W. 73 
Prejident Adams' mcjfage to congrefs on foliciting Mrs. Wajh- 
ingtori s ajfent to the mode of interring the remains of Gen. W. 77 

Mrs. Wajhingtori s letter, 78 

» Rejleclions on the liberties of the United States, - - 78 
Extracl from gov. Tomkins' fpeech on punifhments for crimes, 82„ 

Prejident Jejferfon's inaugural fpeech, - - 85 

Prejident Madiforis inaugural fpeech, 89 

On education in New-England, .... 93 

On religious toleration, -.---- 94 

On love to God, .....--95 

A fure rule in the con duel of life, .... 98 

A parent's rejleclions on Bis duty, - - - - ' > c 

A child's rejleclions on his duty, - - - - 103 

A youth's rejleclions on his duty, - - - - 106 

The ejf eels of parental partiality, - - - - 110 

Filial and brotherly duty exemplified, - - - 119 
An hijlorical Jketch, from the time of Abraham, to the A- 

merican revolution, ----- - - - 128 

Conjlitution of Vermont y .... - 17' 

An abridged view of the Jirjl fettlement of Vermont, - 1 87 

Byography of the fr/l governor of Vermont, - - 199 

Prefident Adams' inaugural fpeech, ... 202 



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